(独家译文)印共(毛)二号领导人接受记者采访,重申印共(毛)斗争目标

在印度反动当局气势汹汹大肆镇压毛主义革命运动时,印共(毛)二号领导人却视反动当局镇压机器于无物,通过手机、在游击区召开新闻发布会等方式,多次接受媒体采访,向媒体阐述印共(毛)的主张。据称印度当局动用了最先进的技术手段想要定位并抓获他,但却因为他神出鬼没,不断变换手机和地点,当局只能徒呼奈何。
下面就是他的一个最新访谈。访谈里重申了印共(毛)的斗争目标,夺取政权,完成新民主主义革命和社会主义革命,实现彻底的土地改革,没收大资本大买办的财产,摆脱对帝国主义的依附,建立一个无产阶级专政下继续革命的社会主义新印度。
访谈语言浅显,我们诚征有兴趣的同志参与翻译,一起宣传印度革命。

Kisenji Interview on Armed Struggle, Peace Talks and People's Democracy



In this interview, underground Maoist leader Kishenji speaks on issues such as peace talks, armed struggle, the party's sources of funding, the difference between people's democracy and India's formal democracy, and the goals of the CPI (Maoist).

With unmistakable pride, he says he’s India’s Most Wanted Number 2. CPI (Maoist) Politburo member Mallojula Koteshwar Rao alias Kishenji, 53, grew up in the interiors of Andhra Pradesh reading Gandhi and Tagore. It was after understanding the history of the world, he says, that he disappeared into the jungles for a revolution. During search operations in 1982, the police broke down his home in Peddapalli village. He hasn’t seen his mother since, but writes to her through Telugu newspapers. After 20 years in the Naxal belt of Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh, he relocated to West Bengal. His wife oversees Maoist operations in Dantewada [a district in southern Chhattisgarh]. Now, at a hideout barely a few kilometres from a police camp in Lalgarh, he reads 15 newspapers daily and offers to fax you his party literature. If you hold on, he’ll look up the statistics of war on his computer. Excerpts from a midnight phone interview:

Tell me about your personal journey. What made you join the CPI (Maoist)?

I was born in Karimnagar in Andhra Pradesh (AP). In 1973, after a BSc mathematics degree, I moved to Hyderabad in to pursue law. My political journey began with my involvement in the Telangana Sangarsh Samiti, which has been pressing for a separate Telangana state. I launched the Radical Students Union (RSU) in AP. During the Emergency in 1975, I went underground to take part in the revolution. Several things motivated me: Writer Varavara Rao, who founded the Revolutionary Writers Association, India’s political atmosphere and the progressive environment in which I grew up.

My father was a great democrat and a freedom fighter. He was also vice-president of the state Congress party. We are Brahmins, but our family never believed in caste. When I joined the CPI (ML),my father left the Congress saying two kinds of politics can’t survive under one roof. He believed in socialism, but not in armed struggle. After the Emergency ended in 1977, I led a democratic peasant movement against feudalism. Over 60,000 farmers joined it. It triggered a nationwide peasant uprising.

The Home Minister has agreed to talks with CPI (Maoist) on issues like forest rights, land acquisition and SEZs [Special Economic Zones]? Why did you reject his offer? He’s only asking you to halt the violence.

We are ready to talk if the government withdraws its forces. Violence is not part of our agenda. Our violence is counter violence. The combat forces are attacking our people every day. In the last month in Bastar, the Cobra forces have killed 18 innocent tribals and 12 Maoists. In Chhattisgarh, those helping us with development activities are being arrested. Stop this; the violence will stop. Recently, the Chhattisgarh DGP [Director-General of Police] called the 6,000 Special Police Officers of Salwa Judum a force of pride. New recruitment continues. These people have been raping, murdering and looting tribals for years. Entire villages have been deserted because of the Salwa Judum. The government can say whatever it likes, but we do not believe them. How can they change policy when they aren’t even in control? The World Bank and America is.

On what conditions will you de-escalate violence?

The PM should apologise to the tribals and withdraw all the troops deployed in these areas. The troops are not new, we have been facing State terror for the last 20 years. All prisoners should be released. Take the time you need to withdraw forces, but assure us there won’t be police attacks meanwhile. If the government agrees to this, there will be no violence from us. We will continue our movement in the villages like before.

Before it agrees to withdrawing troops, can you give the State assurance you won’t attack for one month?

We will think about it. I’ll have to speak with my general secretary. But what is the guarantee there won’t be any attack from the police in that one month? Let the government make the declaration and start the process of withdrawing. It shouldn’t be just a show for the public. Look at what happened in AP. They began talks and broke it. Our Central Committee member went to meet the AP Secretary. Later, the police shot him for daring to talk to the government.

If you really have a pro-people agenda, why insist on keeping arms? Is your goal tribal welfare or political power?

Political power. Tribal welfare is our priority, but without political power we cannot achieve anything. One cannot sustain power without an army and weapons. The tribals have been exploited and pushed to the most backward extremes because they have no political power. They don’t have the right to their own wealth. Yet, our philosophy doesn’t insist on arms. We keep arms in a secondary place. We faced a setback in AP because of that.

The government says halt the violence first, you say withdraw the troops first. In this mindless cycle, the tribal people you claim to represent are suffering the most.

So let’s call international mediators then. Whether it’s Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal or Maharashtra, we never started the violence. The first attack always came from the government. In Bengal, the CPM [Communist Party of India (Marxist)] cadre won’t let any non-party person enter villages under their control. Police has been camping in the Lalgarh area since 1998. In such a situation, how can I press for higher potato prices and drinking water? There is no platform for me to do that. When the minimum wages in West Bengal were Rs 85 per day, people were being paid Rs 22. We demanded Rs 25. The Mahabharat [war] began when the Kauravas refused to grant the Pandavas even the five villages they asked for. The State refused our three-rupee hike. We are the Pandavas; they are the Kauravas.

You say violence is not your agenda, yet you’ve killed nearly 900 policemen in the past four years. Many of them came from poor tribal families. Even if it is counter violence, how is this furthering a pro-people goal?

Our battle is not with the police forces, it is with the State. We want to minimise the number police casualties. In Bengal, many police families actually sympathise with us. There have been 51,000 political murders by the CPM during the last 28 years. Yes, we have killed 52 CPM men in the last seven months, but only in retaliation to police and CPM brutality.

How is the CPI (Maoist) funded? What about the allegations of extortion?

There are no extortions. We collect taxes from the corporates and big bourgeoisie, but it’s not any different from the corporate sector funding the political parties. We have a half-yearly audit. Not a single paisa is wasted. Villagers also fund the party by voluntarily donating two days’ earnings each year. From two days of bamboo cutting in Gadchiroli we earned Rs 25 lakh. From tendu leaf collection in Bastar we earned Rs 35 lakh. Elsewhere, farmers donated 1,000 quintals of paddy.

What if a farmer refuses to donate?

That will never happen.

Because of fear?

No. They are with us. We never charge villagers even a paisa for the development activity that we initiate.

What development have you brought to Maoist-dominated areas? How has life improved for the tribals of Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand?

We’ve made the people aware of the State’s real face, told them how rich people live and what they’re deprived of. In many of these areas the tendu leaf rate used to be one rupee for 1,000 leaves. We got it hiked to 50 paise per leaf in three districts of Maharashtra, five districts of AP and the entire Bastar region. Bamboo was sold to paper mills at 50 paise per bundle. Now the rate is Rs 55. But these victories came after we faced State resistance and brutality. In Gadchiroli alone, they killed 60 people on our side, we killed five.

The CPI(Maoist) also sends medical help to 1,200 villages in India almost daily. In Bastar, our foot soldiers are proficient doctors, wearing aprons, working as midwives in the jungles. We don’t give them arms. We have 50 such mobile health teams and 100 mobile hospitals in Bastar itself. Villagers go to designated people for specific illnesses: for fever go to Issa, for dysentery to Ramu and so on. There is so much illness in these areas that there are not enough people to pick up the dead bodies. We give free medicines to doctors for distribution among the people. The government doesn’t know that the medicines come from their own hospitals.

If the State sends civil administration to the Naxal belt, will you allow it?

We will welcome it. We want teachers and doctors to come here. The people of Lalgarh have been asking for a hospital for decades. The government did nothing. When they built one themselves, the government turned it into a military camp.

What is your larger long-term vision? Outline three tangible goals.

The first is to gain political power, to establish new democracy, socialism and then communism. The second is to make our economy self sufficient so we don’t need loans from imperialists. We are still paying off foreign loans from decades ago. The debt keeps increasing because of the devaluation of our currency. It will never be repaid. This is what the World Bank wants. We need an economy that works on two things — agriculture and industry. First, the tribals want land. Until they own their land, the State will exploit them. The people should be entitled to a percentage of the crop depending on their labour. We are not opposed to industry; how can there be development without it? But we should decide which industries will work for India, not America, not the World Bank. Instead of big dams, big industries, we’ll promote small-scale industries, especially those on which agriculture depends. The third goal is to seize all the big companies – from the Tatas to the Ambanis, cancel all the MoUs [Memoranda of Understanding], declare their wealth as national wealth, and keep the owners in jail. Also, from the grassroots to the highest levels, we will create elected bodies in a democratic way

But look at the history of communist governments the world over. They became as oppressive as the ones they overthrew. There are ample examples of coercion and absence of dissent in Maoist regimes. How is this in the best interest of the people?

These are all stories spread by the capitalists. People in the villages are dying by the hundreds, but all our doctors want to live in the cities. All our engineers want to serve Japan or the IT sector. They reached their positions using the nation’s wealth. What are they doing for my country? The State cannot insist you become a doctor. But if you do, it should insist you use your skill for two years in the villages. How oppressive the State is depends on who is controlling the reigns of power.

We want to have a democratic culture. If there is no democracy, ask the villagers to start another revolution and overthrow us. In an embryonic form, we already have an alternative democratic people’s government in Bastar. Through elections, we choose a local government called the revolutionary people’s committee. People vote by raising their hands. There is a chairman, a vice-chairman, and there are departments – education, health, welfare, agriculture, law and order, people’s relations. This system exists in about 40 districts in India at present. The perception that Maoists don’t believe in democracy is wrong.

What exists in India today is formal democracy. It’s not real. Whether it’s Mamata Banerjee, or the CPM, or the Congress party, it is all dictatorship. We negotiated the release of 14 adivasi women in Bengal to show the world who the State is keeping in jail; to expose their real face.

If you believe in democracy, why do you shun the democratic process that already exists? The Maoists in Nepal contested elections.

To create a new democratic State, one has to destroy the old one. Nepal’s Maoists have compromised. What elections? There are 180 MPs with serious criminal charges. More than 300 MPs are crorepatis [someone who is worth more than 10 million rupees]. Do you know the US Army is already conducting exercises at a base in Uttar Pradesh? They openly said they can take the Indian Army with them wherever they want. Who allowed them this audacity? Not me. I am opposing them. I am the real desh bhakt (patriot).

What kind of nation do you want India to be? Pick a role model.

Our first role model was Paris. That disintegrated. Then Russia collapsed. That’s when China emerged. But after Mao, that too got defeated. Now, nowhere in the world is the power truly in the hands of the people. Everywhere workers are fighting for it. So there is no role model.

When communism hasn’t worked elsewhere, why will it work for India? China now admits Mao’s theories were fallible. In Nepal, the Maoists are already seeking foreign investment.

What the Maoists in Nepal are doing is wrong. Following this path will only mean creating another Buddhadeb [the "Marxist" Chief Minister of West Bengal] babu. We have appealed to them to come back to the old ways. Wherever socialism or communism took root, imperialism tried to destroy it. Of course, Lenin, Mao, Prachanda – all have weaknesses. After winning the Second World War, Lenin and Stalin replaced internal democracy with bureaucracy. They disregarded the participation of the people. We will learn from their mistakes. But capitalism too has had to stand up after being shot down. How can you say that capitalism has been successful? Socialism is the only way out.

But in power, you could be as fallible as the Nepal Maoists or the CPM?

If we change, the people should start another krantikari andolan (revolution) against us. If the ruler — no matter who — becomes exploitative, then the people need to stand up to demand their democracy. They should not have blind faith in a Kishenji, or a Prachanda or a Stalin. If any neta or party deviates from their own ideology, then end your faith in them and revolt again. The people should always keep this tradition alive.

Have you ever faced any personal dilemmas? Is violence the only way you can mount pressure on the State?

I believe we are trying to do the right thing. We are waging a just war. Yes, there can be mistakes along the way. Unlike the State, when we make mistakes, we admit it. The beheading of Francis Induwar was a mistake. We apologise for it. In Lalgarh, we are trying different strategies. We have recently made concrete development demands and given the government a November 27 deadline. We’ve asked for 300 borewells and 50 make-shift hospitals. I have also knocked on the doors of Left Front parties – Forward Bloc, RSP, CPI and even CPM. I’m even in touch with ministers within the Bengal government. I’ve spoken to the Chief Minister himself.

The CM office has rubbished this.

I have spoken to the CM. I told him to stop State brutality and said we have mailed our development demands. He said he is under pressure from his own party and from Home Minister Chidambaram.

Why isn’t the police able to catch you?

In eight states, there are day and night search operations on for me. I’m India’s Most Wanted Number 2. In 1,600 villages in Bengal, people are currently on night guard to ensure the police can’t find me. There are 500 policemen in a camp 1.5 kilometres from where I am right now. The people of Bengal love me. The police have to kill them before they can get me.

The Home Secretary recently alluded to China giving you arms. Is this true?

Clearly, he doesn’t know the basics of our philosophy. To win a war, you need to know your enemy. Our position is diametrically opposite to China. I thought Chidambaram and Pillai were my competition, but never imagined I have such low-standard enemies. They are flashing swords in the air. Victory will be ours.

What is your opinion of the Lashkar-e-Taiba? Do you support their war?

We may support some of their demands, but their methods are wrong and antipeople. LeT should stop its terrorist acts because it cannot help accomplish any goals. You can only win by taking the people along with you.

[ 本帖最后由 angbayan 于 2009-12-28 23:54 编辑 ]

Kishenji就武装斗争、和平对话和人民民主接受采访<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />

Revolution2010    译于20091224

 

在这次采访中,地下毛主义领袖Kishenji谈到如下议题,比如和平对话、武装斗争、党的资金来源、人民民主与印度正式民主的区别、以及印共(毛)的目标。

 

以一种无疑的自豪,他说他是印度通缉的二号人物,印共(毛)政治局成员Mallojula                            

Koteshwar Rao,化名Kishenji53岁,在安得拉邦的内陆地区读着甘地和泰戈尔长大的。他说,在理解了世界的历史之后,他就为了革命事业消失到了丛林之中了。1982年的搜捕行动中,警察焚毁了他在Peddapalli村的家,从此他再也没见过他的母亲,但是他通过泰卢固语报纸与母亲通信。在马哈拉施特拉邦(Maharashtra)和切蒂斯格尔邦(Chhattisgarh)的纳萨尔地带(Naxal belt)呆了20年之后,他调动到了西孟加拉邦。他的妻子负责毛主义丹德瓦达(Dantewada切蒂斯格尔邦南部的一个地区)的行动。现在,在离Lalgarh地区的警营仅仅几公里的一个隐匿处,Kishenji每天读15种报纸、可以传真给你他的党内文艺作品。如果你不挂断,他可以在电脑上查看一下战争的统计数字。下面是一个午夜电话采访的摘录:

 

告诉我关于你个人的经历,是什么促使你加入印共(毛)?

 

我出上在安得拉邦的Karimnagar地区。1973年时,在获得了数学学士学位后,我到海德拉巴(Hyderabad)去学习法律。我的政治历程开始于参与了Telangana Sangarsh Samiti,这一运动施压,使特伦甘纳(Telangana)成为一个独立的邦。我投入到安得拉邦的激进学生协会(RSU)中。在1975年的紧急事件后,我转入地下参与革命。一些事情激励了我:创建了革命作家协会的瓦拉瓦拉·拉奥(Varavara Rao),印度的政治氛围,我所成长的进步环境。

 

我父亲曾是一个伟大的民主和自由斗士。他也曾是国大党的副主席。我们是婆罗门,但是我们家庭并不信仰种姓制度。当我加入印共(马列)时,我父亲离开了国大党,他说两种政治不可能在同一个屋檐下存活。他信仰社会主义,但不是以武装斗争的形式。在紧急事件于1977年结束后,我领导了民主农民运动,以反对封建主义。超过60000名的农民加入其中。它引致了全国性的农民起义。

 

内政部长已经同意与印共(毛)就如下议题展开对话,如林权、土地获取、经济特区。为什么你拒绝他的提议?他只是请求你停止暴力。

 

如果政府撤销武力,我们准备对话。暴力并非我们议程的一部分。我们的暴力是为了反抗暴力。他们的战斗力量每天都在进攻我们的人民。上月在巴斯塔(Bastar),眼镜蛇不对已经枪杀了18名无辜的部众和12名毛派分子。在切蒂斯格尔邦,那些帮助我们从事发展活动的人士正在被逮捕。停止这些,暴力就会停止。最近,切蒂斯格尔邦警察局长称,和平行动(Salwa Judum)的6000特警是值得骄傲的力量。现在招募活动还在继续。这些人已经强奸、暗杀和劫掠了部众很多年。由于Salwa Judum,整个村庄都被荒废了。不管政府怎么狡辩,但是我们不相信他们说的话。他们甚至自己都控制不住自己,怎么改变政策?世界银行和美国也是这种情况。

 

在什么条件下,你才会是暴力降级?

 

总理(PM)应该向部众道歉,并撤回布置在这些区域的武装。这些武装力量部分新手,我们过去20年一直面临着这种国家恐怖。所有的囚犯应该释放。给你撤出武装所需要的时间,但是必须使我们确信这些警察不再攻击。如果政府同意这些,我们将不再使用暴力。我们将像以前一样在村庄开展运动。

 

在同意撤回武装之前,你们能给政府保证一个月不进行攻击吗?

 

我们可以考虑。我将和我们的总书记谈一下。但是在那一个月中警察不再发起任何攻击的保证又是什么?让政府发布声明并撤回武装吧。它不应该是仅仅对公众的作秀。看看在安得拉邦发生了什么吧。他们开始了对话,又背叛了它。我们的中央委员会委员去见安得拉邦的部长。随后,警察因他敢于和政府对话而射杀了他。

 

如果你们真的有一个服务人民(pro-people ?)的议程,为什么坚持保持武力呢?你们的目标是部众福利,还是政治权利?

 

政治权利。部众福利是我的优先考虑,但是没有政治权利,我们不能完成任何事情。没有军队和武器,个人是不可能维持住他的权力的。因为没有政治权利,部众已经被剥削和逼迫到最为落后的极端境地。他们没有权力拥有自己的财富。然而,我们的哲学并不坚持武力;我们将其置于第二位。因为这个缘故,我们在安得拉邦面临过挫折。

 

政府说先停止暴力,你们说先撤回武装。在这种无意义的循环中,你们声称所代表的部众却遭受最大的痛苦。

 

那让我们请求国际调停吧。不管是在安得拉邦,还是西孟加拉邦,或马拉拉施特拉邦,我们从没先发起暴力。首次攻击总是来自于政府。在西孟加拉,印共(马)的干部不允许非党人士进入他们控制的村庄。警察从1998年起,已经在Lalgarh地区扎营了。在此种情况下,我怎么能还要求更高的土豆价格和饮用水(价格)?我没有做这些的平台。在西孟加拉邦的最低工资为85卢比每天的时候,民众只收到22卢比。我们要求25卢比。当Kauravas拒绝给与Pandavas五个村庄的请求时,摩诃婆罗多之战就开始了。政府拒绝我们三个卢比的长途运费。我们就是Pandavas,他们就是Kauravas

 

你说玻璃不是在你们的议程之上,但是你们在过去的4年中杀死了将近900名警察。他们的大多数来自于贫穷的部落家庭。即使这是反抗暴力,这也算是推进服务人民的目标吗?

 

我们的战斗不是针对警察力量,而是针对政府。我们想减少警察的伤亡数字。在孟加拉,许多警察家庭同差同情我们。在过去的28年中,印共(马)进行了51000起谋杀。是的,在过去的7个月中,我们已经打死了52名印共(马)成员,但仅仅是报复警察和印共(马)的野蛮行径。

 

印共(毛)是怎么融资的?对于勒索,你们怎么解释?

 

没有勒索。我们向公司和大资产阶级收税,这与公司部门向政党提供资金没多大差异。我们有一个半年度的审计。每一个派萨都不会浪费。村民也会自愿捐助一年中的两天的收入来为我们融资。在加德契罗利砍伐两天的竹子,我们赚取250万卢比。在巴斯塔收集tendu烟叶,我们赚取350万卢比。在其他地方,农民捐助给我们10万公斤的稻谷。

 

如果农民拒绝捐助怎么办?

 

这不可能发生。

 

因为害怕?

 

不是的。他们是和我们一起的。在我们发起的开发活动中,我们从不向村民收取一个派萨的费用。

 

你们给毛主义控制区带来了什么发展?切蒂斯格尔邦和贾坎德邦(Jharkhand)的部众的生活有怎样的改善?

 

我们已经让人民意识到了政府的真面目,告诉他们富人是怎么生活的,他们被剥夺了什么。在这些地区中的大多数,tendu烟叶的价格通常是1000片是1卢比。我们收取它们,然后跋涉到马哈拉施特拉邦的三个地区、安得拉邦的5个地区和整个巴斯塔地区,每片卖50派萨。竹子以50派萨每捆的价格卖到造纸厂。现在的价格是55卢比。但是这些胜利来自于我们迎击了政府的抵抗和残暴之后。仅仅在Gadchiroli地区,他们就杀死了我们60人,我们杀死了他们5个。

 

印共(毛)也几乎每天都向印度的1200个村庄提供医疗救助。在巴斯塔,我们的赤脚士兵就是熟练的医生,穿着围裙,作为一个接生婆在丛林中工作。我们不向他们提供武器。仅仅在巴斯塔,我们就拥有50个这样的流动健康小组和100个流动医院。村民们找指定的人看具体的病:发烧了找Issa,得了痢疾找Ramu,等等。这些地区有如此多种的疾病,以至于没有足够的人来填埋尸体。我们免费提供药品给这些医生,让他们在民众中分配。政府并不知道这些药品来自于他们自己的医院。

 

如果政府对纳萨尔地带进行民政管理,你们允许吗?

 

我们欢迎。我们需要老师和医生来这里。Lalgarh地区的人民要求医院的呼声有数十年了。政府却什么也没做。当政府建立了一个医院的时候,它却将之移交给军营。

 

你们更大的长期远景是什么?勾勒一下三个切实可行的目标。

 

第一是赢得政治权利,以建立新式民主、社会主义和共产主义。第二是使我们的经济实现自足,以便我们不再需要帝国主义的贷款。我们让在在偿付数十年前的外国贷款。因为我们的货币贬值,债务持续增加。债务永远还不完。这正是世界银行想要的结果。我们需要一种这样的经济,它的运行只依赖于两种东西——农业和工业。首先,部众们需要土地。除非他们拥有土地,否则政府会剥削他们。人民应该能够依赖于他们的劳动获取一定比例的作物收成。我们并不反对工业;没有工业会是什么样的发展?但是我们应该决定那些工业是为印度服务,而不是为美国服务,也不是为世界银行服务。第三个目标是没收所有大公司,从塔塔斯到安巴尼兄弟公司,取消所有的谅解备忘录,宣布他们的财富为国有财富,把其所有者投入监狱。我们也会以一种民主的方式创生一个选举政体。

 

但是看看世界上的共产主义政府的历史,它们像它们推翻过的政府一样压迫人。毛主义政体中存在很多实行高压政治和缺少异见的例子。这是为了人民的最大利益吗?

 

资本家们散布各种版本的故事。村庄中的人民成百成百地处在死亡的边缘,但是我们所有的医生都想要到城市生活。我们所有的工程师想要服务日本公司或去IT部门。他们利用国家的财富达至自己的地位。他们为这个国家做了什么?国家不能要求你必须做一个医生。如果你是一个医生的话,国家应该要求你用你的技能为村庄服务两年。国家是否是压迫性的,取决于谁控制政权。

 

我们想有一个民主的文化。如果没有民主,那就叫村民发动另一场革命并推翻我们。以一种初始的形式,我们已经在巴斯塔有了一个可供选择的人民民主政府。通过选举,我们选定了一个地方政府,称之为人民革命委员会。人民以举手表决的方式。这个政府有一位主席、一位副主席和一些部门,包括教育、健康、福利、农业、法律秩序、人民关系部门。现在这一体系在印度的约40个地区存在。那种认为毛主义者不相信民主的观念是错误的。

 

印度今天存在的只是形式民主,它是不真实的。不管它是Mamata Banerjee(马马塔·班尼杰,基层国大党领导人),或是印共(马),或是国大党,它们全是独裁。我们谈判要求西孟加拉邦释放14Adivasi原住民妇女,以告诉世界,政府把谁投入了监狱;这暴露了他们的真面目。

 

如果你们相信民主,为什么你们避开已经存在的民主进程?尼泊尔的毛主义者参与选举了。

 

创生一个新的民主国家,必须消灭旧的国家。尼泊尔的毛主义者已经妥协了。什么选举?180名国会议员存在严重的犯罪性的索价。超过300名的国会议员是千万富翁。你知道美国军队已经在北方邦的一个基地进行训练吗?他们公开声称他们能够把印度军队带到他们想去的任何地方。谁允许了他们的这种无礼的行为?不是我。我反对他们。我是真正的爱国者。

 

你想要印度成为什么样的国家?请举一个行为榜样。

 

我们的第一个榜样是巴黎公社。它解体了。随后是俄罗斯,也崩溃了。在俄崩溃前,出现了中国。但是在毛之后,中国也被击败了。现在,世界上没有一个地方的权力真正掌握在人民手中。各地的工人都在争取它。所以现在没有行为榜样。

 

在任何地方都没有共产主义运行,为什么它将会在印度运行呢?中国现在认为毛的理论也是可能犯错误的。在尼泊尔,毛主义者已经在寻求外国投资。

 

尼泊尔毛主义者的做法是错误的。循着这条道路最终意味着另一个Buddhadeb先生(西孟加拉邦的首席部长——一个“马克思主义者”)。我们已经呼吁他们回到原有的道路上来。不管社会主义或共产主义在哪里扎根,帝国主义都会试图破坏它。当然,列宁、毛、普拉昌达——所有人都有弱点。在赢得二战后,列宁和斯大林用官僚体系替代了国内民主。但是资本主义在被击败后,也站立起来了。你怎么能说资本主义已经成功了呢?社会主义是最终胜出的道路。

 

但是掌权后,你们可能像尼泊尔毛主义者或印共(马)一样,也可能犯错误的?

 

如果我们改变了,人民应该发动另一场革命打倒我们。如果统治者——不管它是谁——变成剥削者,那么人民应该站出来要求他们的民主。他们不应该盲目信赖一个Kishenji,或一个普拉昌达,或一个斯大林。如果任何一个政党偏离了他们自己的意识形态,那么结束你对它的信赖并再次起义。人民应该把这个传统保持下去。

 

你是否曾经面临任何个人的两难困境?暴力是你们向政府施压的唯一途径吗?

 

我相信我们在做正确的事情。我们在发动一场正义的战争。是的,我们在这条路上可能会犯错误。但我们不像政府,我们犯了错误,我们会承认。对于Francis Induwar的斩首就是个错误,我们对此道歉。在Lalgarh,我们尝试采取不同的策略。我们最近制定了具体的发展请求,并且给政府定了<?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />1127这个最后期限。我们已经要求300个钻井和50个简易医院。我也敲了各个左翼党派的门——前进组织(Forward Bloc)、革命社会主义党(RSP)、印度共产党(CPI)、甚至印共(马)。我甚至接触了西孟加拉政府的各个部长。我与首席部长本人进行了对话。

 

首席部长弃之如敝履。

 

我与首席部长通话。我告诉他停止政府的野蛮行为,并告诉他我们邮给他我们的发展请求。他说他受到来自于所在党派和内政部吉登伯勒姆Chidambaram)的压力。

 

为什么警察抓不到你?

 

在八个邦,有针对我的日夜不停的搜捕行动。我是印度政府通缉的二号人物嘛。在孟加拉邦的1600个村庄,人民进行夜间放哨以确保警察找不到我。在离我当前所处之地1.5公里远的地方有一个500人的警营。孟加拉邦的人民爱我。警察要抓到我,必须先杀死他们。

 

内政大臣最近暗指中国向你们提供武器。这是真的吗?

 

显然,他不知道我们的哲学基础。要赢得战争,你要知道你的敌人。我们的位置正好与中国相反。我曾认为ChidambaramPillai是我的敌手,但没想到我有这么低水准的敌人。他们只会无的放矢。胜利将是我们的。

 

对于拉什卡-塔伊巴组织(Lashkar-e-Taiba,虔诚军,你什么看法?你支持他们的战争吗?

 

我们可能支持他们的一些请求,但是他们的做法是错误的和反人民的。拉什卡-塔伊巴组织应该停止恐怖主义行为,因为它不能帮助达成任何目标。只有让人民与你同行,你才能取胜。

非常感谢你的翻译劳动,翻得很好。