Criteria for Classification
Note: the basic condition here is that they recognize Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as their guiding ideology and have revolutionary aims in their program.
Mature parties: they uphold the political-newspaper line, carry out inner-party line struggle, clearly oppose building the party out of a conglomeration of loose factions or clearly reject the harm caused by such a method, and correctly conduct or prepare for a prolonged people’s war in their own country and the material basis for it.
Immature parties: they do not speak of inner-party line struggle, do not oppose building the party out of a conglomeration of loose factions, and do not oppose the political-newspaper line either (that is, their organizational line is vague), but they uphold Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, their judgment of their own country’s social character is basically correct, and they rely on the vanguard party to organise, lead and sustain prolonged people’s war in practice [the CPI (Maoist), the CPP, the TKP/ML, the PCP]. Once they oppose the political-newspaper line, they are immediately classified as opportunist parties.
Parties of an opportunist character: parties that clearly oppose the political-newspaper line; parties that are themselves built out of a conglomeration of loose factions and do not oppose the political-newspaper line, but in practice only talk about people’s war and do nothing, speaking about armed insurrection or people’s war for years without any real sign of it: a typical example is the NCP (Nepal); and newly emerged parties in recent years that are themselves handicraft parties formed out of loose factions, and that also support such conglomeration-based party-building in other countries (these parties often also seek only formal, programmatic unity in world revolution and the international communist movement), while in practice neither carrying out nor preparing for prolonged people’s war: a typical example is the Communist Party of Afghanistan (Maoist).
In other words, apart from the old parties that insist on armed uprising, all newly emerged parties that support conglomeration-based party-building (that is, that are themselves conglomeration-based parties and promote such line internationally) are classified as opportunist parties. At present, some parties are still unclear in character or lack sufficient evidence, but there is no doubt that they more or less show opportunist tendencies. Therefore, it is necessary to spread the political-newspaper line, which in itself is a clear revealing mirror.
Opportunist Parties in the World
Communist Refoundation Party
Its formal name is Partito della Rifondazione Comunista - Sinistra Europea, abbreviated PRC or PRC-SE. It is an opportunist party in Italy. The party was founded on 12 December 1991 and originated from the Italian Communist Party. (During World War II, ICP organized hundreds of thousands of people’s armed forces, and the revolutionary situation of the proletariat was excellent. Yet figures like Togliatti instead pushed a revisionist line that advocated the parliamentary road, laid down their arms, handed all the people’s armed forces over to the bourgeois government, and traded this for ministerial and prime-ministerial office.) The Communist Refoundation Party still follows the parliamentary road, rushing to participate in Italy’s parliamentary elections. At the same time, inner-party infighting and splits continue, and it allows different political factions to exist within the party. Over the past two to three decades, countless Trotskyists have repeatedly split and merged. It is a thoroughly opportunist party.
Its opportunist theoretical line advocates exploring a road to socialism in capitalist countries, following the parliamentary road of “peaceful evolution,” and pursuing reformism by opposing cuts to social welfare and policies that harm the interests of workers. On the organizational line, the political document Ricostruire il Partito Comunista, unire la sinistra, battere le destre emphasizes overcoming so-called sectarianism, calls for a broad left united front and broad left unity, openly allows the existence of various political factions, and also promotes and maintains some degree of contact with the revisionist imperialist China.
In June 2021, the Communist Refoundation Party of Italy and the Communist Party of Italy held a joint seminar with the Chinese Embassy in Italy to mark the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China. Secretary-General Maurizio Acerbo affirmed China’s achievements in epidemic control and poverty reduction and expressed willingness to deepen exchanges and cooperation with the Communist Party of China. Acerbo advocated safeguarding international fairness and justice, affirmed the exemplary significance of Chinese-style modernization in breaking neoliberal hegemony, and called on socialist forces to shoulder the mission of opposing war and defending international law.
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre)
The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), which laid down its arms and degenerated into a party of the landlord and bourgeoisie, was formed through the merger of numerous “Maoist” small parties. It has never been able to carry out inner-party line struggle effectively or overcome opportunist cliques within the party, which ultimately led to its opportunist degeneration. At present, the revisionist boss Prachanda leads this opportunist party in Nepal in carrying out an opportunist grand coalition, and as a result, Nepal’s ten revisionist parties decided on Tuesday, 4 November 2025, to merge in Kathmandu and form a new Communist Party of Nepal (NCP). The party will follow “Marxist-Leninist principles” and pursue a political program centered on “scientific socialism with Nepali characteristics” (what a a fine disciple of Chinese revisionism).
International Communist League (ICL)
When it was founded in 2021, it caused a brief stir in the pan-left and was hailed as the “Sixth International.” It is an international organization composed of several so-called “Marxist-Leninist-Maoist” communist parties built by small circles. Most of these parties support “Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is mainly Maoism” and “Gonzalo Thought,” elevating Mao while diminishing Marx, splitting Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and uncritically applying Peru’s revolutionary experience elsewhere. It follows a propaganda line; when it was first founded, it hung banners and posted leaflets in the streets. It seemed at one point to have tried to bring in the CPI (Maoist), but the CPI (Maoist) did not join. Website: https://ci-ic.net/
Founded in December 2022.
Background: initiated by organizations claiming to be the Communist Party of Peru (“Shining Path”)—mainly “Gonzaloist” groups outside Peru—and the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil, with the aim of filling the vacuum left by the collapse of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM).
Core claims: it defines Maoism as the third and higher stage of Marxism-Leninism; emphasizes “Gonzalo Thought” (the theory of the Peruvian Communist leader Gonzalo); and advocates launching people’s war on a global scale. It firmly opposes “revisionism,” not only opposing China and the USSR but also drawing a line against the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist Centre), which follows the parliamentary road.
Main members: includes more than ten organizations from Latin America, Europe, and Southeast Asia, such as the Communist Party of Peru (Reconstitution Committee), the Communist Party of Brazil (Red Faction), and the Communist Party of Mexico.
At present, the forces that continue to exist under the banners of the International Communist League (ICL) and “Gonzaloism” do not represent the old Communist Party of Peru. They are themselves opportunist organizations full of sectarianism and dogmatism, seeking to mechanically transplant Peru’s revolutionary experience to other regions without due consideration. They are organizations seeking political influence and gain while wearing the skin of “leftism” and Comrade Gonzalo. We must distinguish them from the “Shining Path” led by Comrade Gonzalo.
It should be noted that the Communist Party of Turkey/Marxist-Leninist has withdrawn from this international organization and is still engaged in armed struggle, so it should not be confused with these opportunist parties.
International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO-IN)
This has a name similar to the Hoxhaist CIPOML, but it is a “Maoist” international organization. It is usually called the “International Newsletter” tendency.
It has a mixed character, including some immature revolutionary parties (such as the CPP), as well as parties that wave the banner of Maoism or Mao Zedong Thought while following an opportunist line, such as the German Marxist-Leninist Party (MLPD). The existence of this organization also reflects the immaturity of Marxist-Leninist-Maoist forces internationally: they cannot carry out correct line struggle or clearly demarcate themselves from opportunist lines and opportunist parties, but instead engage in this kind of principle-less broad coalition.
Revolutionary Communist Party, USA (https://revcom.us/en)
Founded in the 1970s. In its early years, it maintained close contact with the Chinese Communist Party before China had revisionized. After revisionism emerged in China, it severed ties with the revisionist Chinese party. On the surface, it looks very “revolutionary”: it affirms the necessity of violent revolution, highly praises the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and regards China after reform and opening up as a revisionist country that betrayed Mao Zedong Thought. But in practice it follows an opportunist line that refuses to prepare for violent revolution and instead seeks political influence through all kinds of activities. Its leader also concocted a theory called the “New Synthesis”, claiming it was more advanced than Marxism-Leninism-Maoism while actually smuggling in Plekhanov’s baggage; it even treated the seek of personal influence as a scientifically grounded organizational strategy. Its opportunist character is obvious at a glance.
Japanese Communist Party (Left)
Japanese Communist Party (Left), Central Theoretical Journal:
The Japanese Communist Party (Left) originated from the “anti-revisionist uprising” of the left wing of the Yamaguchi Prefectural Committee in 1966 against the Miyamoto revisionist clique, and was formally founded in 1969 under the name “Japanese Communist Party (Left).”
Reference: https://longlivemarxleninmaoism.online/t/topic/19659
Although it played a positive role in exposing the revisionist Japanese Communist Party and expressed support for the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, after the reactionary coup in the Residence of the Great Hall of the People it did not clearly demarcate itself from the revisionist Chinese party. Instead, it basically accepted the characterization of the “smashing of the Gang of Four”(how the revisionists call the coup), and for a time threw itself into the embrace of Hoxhaist dogmatism. Later it claimed to have returned to the Maoist line, but since its founding in 1969 it has remained for more than 50 years confined to a corner of Shimonoseki City in Yamaguchi Prefecture (People’s Star Publishing House). Not to mention that it does not carry out any real separation between legal and underground work and openly reveals its organization. Its recent activists’ conference (around 2016) was merely about “reorganization and reconstruction, preparing for the 5th Congress,” and it elected a “provisional central committee.” Its line never mentions the vanguard party or the political-newspaper line, which shows that it has no intention of carrying out armed revolution at all.
Parliamentary Parties, Reformist Parties
The French Communist Party and Other European Communist Parties
During World War II, the French Communist Party’s establishment of a united anti-fascist front led by the Communist Party was correct and necessary. However, within the united front, the proletariat must remain independent and must never hand leadership over to the bourgeoisie. Instead, the united front should be used to consolidate and develop the Communist Party’s leadership over the proletarian revolution. Yet the opportunists in the French Communist Party, headed by Thorez, handed proletarian leadership over to the French bourgeoisie, headed by de Gaulle, and pursued a capitulationist line. The central committee was usurped, and local party organizations, especially those in southern France, resisted the central leadership’s cancellation of the struggle and its capitulationist line. But because no new central committee was reconstructed, the conscious forces of the proletariat were not effectively established and consolidated as leadership. Faced with the usurpation in the central committee and bourgeois penetration from outside, they failed to rebuild the correct line, and the party ultimately degenerated into an opportunist party of parliamentary struggle serving the bourgeoisie.
Because the French Communist Party implemented a series of democratic reforms during World War II, when the bourgeoisie seized the fruits of the anti-fascist victory, it did not ,in time, abolish various institutions that were incompatible with bourgeois dictatorship. This allowed the French Communist Party to suddenly become the largest party in parliament, holding more than 100 seats, and many communists entered the bourgeois cabinet, but this could not shake bourgeois rule, nor could it change the nature of the state, and it was impossible to do so, because by then the French Communist Party had already become a revisionist organization. Once the bourgeoisie had consolidated its rule, it immediately amended the electoral law and expelled the nominal communist party from parliament, using a more suitable organization to strengthen bourgeois dictatorship. Thereafter, the revisionist French Communist Party continued to sing in chorus with the parliamentary struggle to defend bourgeois dictatorship. The failure of the French Communist Party further proves what Lenin said:
“Facts have shown that opportunist activists among workers are better able to uphold the bourgeoisie than the bourgeoisie itself. If the workers were not led by them, bourgeois rule could not be maintained.”
Communist Party of the Russian Federation
A party that follows the parliamentary struggle line, reorganized out of Soviet revisionism, and supports Russian imperialism. It belongs to the same category as revisionist parties ,such as the French Communist Party.
Politsturm
A leftist organization in Russia that uses the icons of Lenin and Stalin to oppose Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. It updates on YouTube, Telegram, and Bilibili, and seems to have been active for several years. (Note: on Bilibili they do not dare publicly announce their opposition to Chairman Mao.) It has also been updating recently.
Japanese Communist Party
After the revisionist clique headed by Miyamoto Kenji seized control, the Japanese Communist Party took the road of revisionism, colluded with Soviet revisionism, and widely opposed Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. It opposes armed seizure of power and advocates parliamentary struggle. It is now a typical bourgeois party in Japan.
Communist Party of Greece
This is among the more “left” of the Soviet-revisionist remnants: its party program still retains proletarian revolution and proletarian dictatorship, and it opposes Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine (and has thereby engaged in polemics with the Russian Communist Party and other parties that support Russian imperialism). But it does not recognize Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, and in practice it follows parliamentarism and trade-unionism. In the final analysis, it is still a Soviet-revisionist remnant and follows an opportunist line. It also conducts extensive online propaganda, on Twitter and on its website.
The Communist Party of Greece has a “theory of the imperialist pyramid” on the world situation, roughly claiming that all countries in the world are imperialist countries at different levels, with some imperialist countries depending on others. This view has a somewhat semi-periphery theory flavor. The “levels” in this theory are a metaphysical division that erases the principal contradiction; at the same time, it also denies imperialist oppression of semi-colonial countries and treats imperialism and semi-colonial countries as equally guilty.
Russian Maoist Party (RMP)
This party explains its inability to build a vanguard party as the result of the remnants of Soviet revisionism, rather than recognizing the importance of organizational building and line struggle.
This is a textbook external-cause theory, an excuse for not carrying out organizational building. In reality, it is simply opposing the political-newspaper line.
This party opposes armed uprising, holding that the condition for armed uprising is supposedly “until objective conditions arise, enabling it to gain broad support from the latent revolutionary forces among the masses.”
It is also a textbook propagandist faction: “We believe that our main tactical task is to propagate Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought among the proletariat and the intelligentsia and to carry out revolutionary agitation.”
These two points show that it worships political influence, and it is no different from the opportunist small groups such as the domestic Revolutionary Communist Front and Wildfire.
Communist Party of Viet Nam (CPV)
Founded in 1920 and initially guided by the Comintern, it later abandoned line struggle, roughly at the same time that the Chinese Communist Party was completely seized by the capitalist-roaders, and became a revisionist party. It now imitates China’s revisionist regime in building capitalism.
American Communist Party (ACP)
A recent offshoot of the Communist Party of the USA. In essence, it is a far-right conservative party. One of its founders, Jackson Hinkle, had appeared on Bilibili before; outside China he is recognized as a right-winger who spouts reactionary nonsense supporting Russian imperialism and American domestic conservatism. Another founder is about the same, often pretending online to understand Marxism-Leninism and then exposing himself as far-right reactionary trash. Their “practice” consists of social media propagation, street leaflet propaganda, economic aid, and some “training camps” (which are basically just hiking, etc.). They have never spoken of armed uprising.
Communist Party USA (CPUSA)
A long-standing revisionist party with more than a hundred years of history. It was once part of the Comintern, but already before the 1920s and 1930s it was participating in elections, and it had long since become irrelevant, let alone after the Soviet Union revisionized. Its existence in the United States is a joke. It also runs with the Democratic Party in the United States, delusionally imagining the Democrats to be their “advanced” friends and hoping to expand through elections.
Democratic Socialists of America
A party built by a Conglomeration of loose factions, with no unified guiding ideology even in form. It includes people waving Marxist-Leninist-Maoist banners, Trotskyist banners, and other tendencies. It seeks political influence and in practice follows a reformist line, doing strikes and demonstrations. It is often praised by the pseudo-left.
Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL)
A reformist party that has emerged in recent years and follows the parliamentary road. It follows a propaganda-driven, kamikaze style.
Communist Party of Britain (CPB)
A branch that originated from the historical Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). It supports revisionist “socialism” and supports the DPRK revisionists, the Chinese revisionists, the Vietnamese revisionists, and so on. In essence, it is merely a petty-bourgeois faction that distributes leaflets and gives speeches.
Communist Party of India (Marxist)
It is a downright reformist parliamentary party, currently the largest communist party in India and the ruling party in Kerala. It participates in parliamentary elections and in practice is reformist.
Communist Party of Burma
In the 1960s and 1970s, China gave the Communist Party of Burma substantial support, and large base areas were established in northern Burma, but the party’s consciousness was not developed. After China revisionized, the Communist Party of Burma immediately revisionized as well, advocating Hoxhaism, and even its central committee led the way in drug trafficking in order to “secure funding.” It finally collapsed around 1989, and the various warlord forces now active in northern Burma are the remnants that split off from the Communist Party of Burma at that time, while the central leaders fled to China. In 2021, after the military coup in Myanmar, the leaders of the Communist Party of Burma once again fled to northern Burma and colluded with the warlords, using the warlords’ money and equipment to build an armed force. It has close relations with various warlords, participates in many inter-warlord conflicts, and even advises the warlords to unite rather than fight one another. Seen today, the Communist Party of Burma is nothing more than a new warlord force in northern Burma. The official statements on the party’s website also show that it has abandoned proletarian dictatorship and advocates multi-party parliamentary democracy, making it a revisionist party. Seeking reform through armed struggle is a rather peculiar form of revisionism.
Iraqi Communist Party
It abandoned armed struggle in 1988 and began participating in parliamentary elections in 2005. Below is the party’s platform section from its website:
Our party is working to achieve its goals and tasks through the establishment of broad socio-political alliances that include classes, social groups, and forces, in order to oppose despotism and terrorism, believe in democracy and its mechanisms, and work to build a civil and rule-of-law state, to build a modern democratic civil state. It also mobilizes the broad masses across the country, including various organizations, trade unions, and other entities, in order to safeguard their interests, rights, and freedom, and to wage fierce political struggle on their behalf. It regards parliamentary activity at the administrative, district, regional, and provincial levels as a supplement to mass action for the realization of the program’s goals.
This clearly makes it a thoroughly parliamentary party.
Socialist Party of Malaysia
Its line is the opportunist line of building the party out of small groups; it is a reformist parliamentary party in practice and denies the line of armed struggle. There are Trotskyists within it, and its line is a complete mess. Details can be found at https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E9%A9%AC%E6%9D%A5%E8%A5%BF%E4%BA%9A%E7%A4%BE%E4%BC%9A%E4%B8%BB%E4%B9%89%E5%85%9A
International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties (IMCWP)
This is currently the largest and most representative international coordination mechanism of revisionist parties.
Features: it is not a strict organization, but an annual forum.
Members: roughly 100 countries’ “communist parties” from around the world. It is basically a jumble of revisionist parties. The Ruling parties, The Communist Party of China, the Communist Party of Cuba, the Communist Party of Vietnam, as well as non-ruling parties such as the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the Communist Party of Greece, all send representatives to attend.
Role: mainly to exchange views, issue joint statements, and coordinate positions.
International Communist League (ICL) (led by the Communist Party of Greece)
This is a relatively more “radical” international organization with a unified organizational program. It follows the line of the Communist Party of Greece, is the “left wing” among the Soviet-revisionist remnants, but opposes Maoism, and in essence remains a revisionist and opportunist organization.
Background: founded in 2022 under the leadership of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).
Position: it upholds “orthodox Marxism-Leninism” and opposes Maoism. It is critical of the European Left Party and some more moderate “communist parties.”
Dogmatist Revisionism: Parties Following the Hoxhaite Line
Communist International (Stalinist-Hoxhaist)
Ranking Enver Hoxha alongside Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin as the “Five Great Mentors,” this group follows a propagandist line. Official Website: Comintern (SH)
International Conference of Marxist–Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO/CIPOML)
The largest international organization of the Hoxhaite faction, it upholds a dogmatist-revisionist position. Its members are all opportunist parties that eschew violent struggle in favor of purely economic and parliamentary struggles. They remain silent on violent revolution, and in practice, they execute an opportunist line characterized by legalism, trade unionism, parliamentarism, and propagandism.
To distinguish it from Maoist organizations with the same name, this organization usually appends the name of its official media to its title: ICMLPO (Unity & Struggle). Its abbreviation is often written as CIPOML.
Establishment Background: Founded in 1994 at the initiative of the Marxist–Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE). The first session was held in Quito, the capital of Ecuador, where the landmark Quito Declaration was published.
Core Positions:
Upholding Stalin’s Legacy: They view the Soviet Union during the Stalin era as the model of socialism and resolutely oppose Khrushchev and subsequent “revisionism.”
Opposition to Maoism: Following the Sino-Albanian split in the 1970s, this tendency views Mao Zedong Thought (particularly the “Three Worlds Theory”) as a form of revisionism.
Class Struggle: While they emphasize proletarian revolution and the overthrow of bourgeois rule through violent revolution in theory, they are criticized for opposing violent struggle in practical application.
Main Mechanisms:
Annual Plenary Sessions: A plenary session is held every year. As of the end of 2025, the organization has held 30 sessions.
Official Media: It publishes a semi-annual journal titled Unity & Struggle in multiple languages, which serves as the most important theoretical front for the movement.
Representative Member Parties:
The organization holds influence in Latin America and Europe. Representative parties include:
Marxist–Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE): The standard-bearer and initiator of the organization.
Workers’ Party of Tunisia (PTP): Formerly led by the prominent activist Hamma Hammami; it holds a degree of discourse power in Tunisian politics.
Labour Party (EMEP): Active within the Turkish left-wing movement.
Communist Party of Albania (1991): Established by veteran members after the fall of Albanian socialism; it considers itself the legitimate successor to the Party of Labour of Albania.
Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR) of Brazil, Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist) (PCE (m-l)), and the Workers’ Communist Party of France (PCOF), etc.
Other Related Characteristics:
Regional Activities: The organization frequently holds regional meetings (e.g., Meeting of Marxist-Leninist Parties of Latin America, Meeting of European Marxist-Leninist Parties) to coordinate regional anti-imperialist and anti-fascist struggles.
Youth Organization: It also coordinates the “International Democratic, Anti-imperialist and Antifascist Youth Camps”(also known as the International Anti-Fascist and Anti-Imperialist Youth Camp) to attract young followers.
Trotskyist Parties
Revolutionary Communists of America (RCA)
They neglect Party building and focus on public economic struggles, presenting themselves with an ultra-left face. Following a line of public party building, they publicly recruit so-called members. While appearing grand and vigorous, they are merely clubs for the petty bourgeoisie. They believe that after Lenin’s death, bureaucrats like Stalin restored capitalism. They distort democratic centralism into “bureaucratic centralism”, using the banner of democracy to abolish centralized leadership. They worship spontaneity and possess a typical pan-democratic Trotskyist nature. Founded in February 2024 in the U.S., they operate through online and offline meetings, utterly failing to uphold the segregation of the public and the underground. The party has been criticized for “making a grand entrance through media hype, appearing more interested in projecting an image of active engagement” and showing a tendency to “prioritize the internet over practice.” They are accused of being “more like a social club.” It can be said they failed from the moment of their birth.
Revolutionary Communist International (RCI)
In 1992, Ted Grant and his followers, after being expelled from the Committee for a Workers’ International (CWI), founded the Committee for a Workers’ International (Marxist) [later the International Marxist Tendency (IMT)]. In 2024, it was renamed the “Revolutionary Communist International.”
They explicitly fly the banner of Trotsky and promote a so-called new “entrism,” arguing that revolutionaries must work inside, outside, and around the mass organizations, because the workers are moving from their traditional mass organizations, and "outside the labor movement, there is nothing. They view other members of the Fourth International as sects fallen under the influence of petty-bourgeois ideas (guerrillaism, left-nationalism, studentism, Third Worldism, feminism).
Spark (The Spark) – Revolutionary Communist Party of Taiwan
The Taiwan section of the RCI, formerly the social media account “Spark”(火花) In January 2026, it publicly held a “founding congress” in Taipei. Nominally claiming to engage in class struggle and revolution, it was a classic case of an “kamikaze” (publicly provoking authority). It retains all classic Trotskyist positions (such as opposing “one-party dictatorship,” demanding workers’ democracy, opposing “socialism in one country,” and supporting “permanent revolution”). The congress gained significant influence, leading Taiwan authorities to respond that the party’s registration procedure was illegal, but “at present, it can be viewed as an intellectual society or reading club; as long as no illegal acts are committed, it can naturally continue to exist.”
International Communist League (Fourth Internationalist) (ICL-FI)
An international Trotskyist organization that advocates the theory of the “deformed workers’ state.” They believe Soviet and Chinese revisionists belong to “deformed workers’ states,” which are “more progressive than capitalism and constitute a deformed socialism.” They deny that Soviet and Chinese revisionism are imperialist. To this day, they continue to publish articles claiming to “firmly and unconditionally stand with China to strike down U.S. imperialism,” essentially supporting Chinese revisionism in its imperialist struggle for hegemony. They are superstitious about political influence, deluding themselves into calling for Chinese revisionists to eliminate capitalists and implement workers’ democracy; their attitude toward Chinese revisionism is nauseatingly sycophantic. In practice, they are the “quagmire faction,” obsessed with historical archives and researching academic hair-splitting.
A specific critique can be found at: 千钧棒——紧追穷寇——驳托修组织“斯巴达克派”：中国是资产阶级专政国家这点毋庸置疑 - 千钧棒：炮打机会主义专辑 - 布站
Chūkaku-ha （Revolutionary Communist League National Committee ）
A Japanese Trotskyist organization. Although they superficially oppose U.S. imperialism and the domestic government, they are extremely hostile toward Stalin and Chairman Mao. They consider both Chinese and Soviet revisionism to be “Stalinism.” Their line of struggle advocates for political influence and kamikaze tactics. They actively participated in the Zenkyoto (All-Campus Joint Struggle League) spontaneous movements of the 1960s. Even today, they make their headquarters public, occasionally hold confrontational marches, and regularly distribute leaflets. Their headquarters is in Tokyo but remains under Japanese government surveillance. Their website shows the types of marches they conduct: https://zenshin.org/
Two Active Trotskyist Internationals
Fourth International (United Secretariat): One of the oldest Trotskyist organizations.
International Socialist Alternative (ISA): Currently has sections in many countries and maintains frequent activity.
These constitute the mainstream of Trotskyism; they have long since become reformist political forces within capitalist society and faithful participants in bourgeois politics.
Anarchist Parties
Kurdish “Rojava Commune”
The Kurdish “Rojava Commune,” which has received wide attention and the hopes of many “left-wing” and anarchist forces, is nothing more than petty-bourgeois reformism. It is fundamentally incapable of implementing a thorough social and economic transformation and has not substantively touched the local semi-colonial and semi-feudal relations of production. Its leadership has instead turned to U.S. imperialism, engaging in compromise and surrender toward Syrian reactionary forces, and retreating steadily under the offensive of the Turkish and Syrian new reactionary governments.
“Handicraft” Parties and Opportunist Factions
Maoist Communist Union (U.S.A.)
Engages in a conglomeration of factions and open party building, following a propagandist line.
“International Communist Party” (ICP)
An (Italian) Left-Communist organization associated with Amadeo Bordiga. Their understanding of the Party is highly distorted, equating “Party = Proletariat” directly. They use theory to “prove” that because it is currently a low tide for revolution, they do not need to engage in any practice whatsoever. These clowns have split five or six times; they are essentially petty-bourgeois reading clubs. They have some minor fame on the foreign web. Their “practice” consists of writing articles and distributing newspapers.
“Internationalist Communist Tendency” (ICT)
Another (Italian) Left-Communist organization associated with Bordiga. They essentially worship spontaneity. In practice, they only distribute leaflets and conduct online propaganda; they are also essentially petty-bourgeois reading clubs with some minor fame on the foreign web.
Revolutionary Communist Party of Nepal (RCPN)
In essence, this is a carbon copy of the Prachanda group—a neo-revisionist clique that opposes building the Party along the political-newspaper line, is superstitious about legal struggle, and opposes the initiation of People’s War. Regarding organizational line, the RCPN follows the line of Building the Party from a Conglomeration of loose factions. Since the CPM-Maoist split from the Prachanda-Bhattarai clique, it has repeatedly split and merged. They even allowed elements of the Communist Party of Nepal (B) who followed the Biplav group to merge with the CPN (Revolutionary Maoist) as equals. Superficially, they shout slogans like “armed seizure of power” and even trot out the principle of “supplementing protracted people’s war with a general armed insurrection based on Nepal’s conditions,” but in reality, they continue to preach “popular uprising,” using conciliationism to mask the fact that they have no intention of launching a People’s War. The RCPN has no connection to restarting People’s War, nor the capacity to organize a “popular uprising”; they can only prove their “radicalism” through repeated boycotts of elections and legal struggles. In the eyes of the Nepalese reactionary regime, they are merely lambs for the slaughter.
Communist (Maoist) Party of Afghanistan (CmPA)
Official Website: https://cmpa.io/en/
Founded in 2004, the CmPA was formed from the merger of five Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and possesses significant opportunist tendencies. It holds erroneous ideas characterized by a heavy emphasis on “bloodline theory,” focusing on superficial backgrounds rather than an individual’s level of consciousness and standpoint. They believe that the inability to conduct armed uprisings in various countries is due to the lack of an “International,” yet they view this International as a loose association based on superficial theoretical programs. Currently, they intend to contact and unite with Chinese opportunist groups. Their focus on building a so-called “International Communist Center” reflects an orientation toward the seek of political influence. Even in the absence of actual revolutionary action or objective conditions for armed uprising, a party preparing for such a struggle would necessarily grasp the two-line struggle internally to consolidate and develop its organizational strength and combat effectiveness; unfortunately, none of this is evident. Essentially, most of their calls since founded place hope in the construction of an international organization. Their criteria for external contact and unity are suspected of being based merely on reaching agreement on theoretical programs. They are, in essence, a “handicraft” opportunist faction that is superstitious about political influence and unprepared for revolutionary armed uprising or the building of a material force.
Immature Revolutionary Parties
The Communist Party of India (Maoist) in the South Asian Subcontinent
The predecessor organizations of the Communist Party of India (Maoist) were established through the unification of various groups. The eventual founding of the CPI (Maoist) resulted from the merger of two organizations: the Maoist Communist Centre of India (MCCI) and the CPI (ML) [People’s War] (later joined by the CPI (ML) Naxalbari). The merger process was described as follows: “The establishment was determined through discussions between high-level delegations of the two parties, followed by a joint meeting of the Central Committees of both parties.” In other words, it was established through negotiation and compromise rather than through line struggle, a unified revolutionary scaffolding, or the chain of communization. It must be understood that line struggle is irreconcilable; it is not a business transaction where parties take a step back to find a common denominator. Negotiation, compromise, and the union of factions only lead to impurities in the party’s line and the emergence of opportunist factions, resulting in weak internal line struggle and an inability to achieve true centralized unity. This is the root cause of the severe setbacks currently faced by the CPI (Maoist), characterized by rampant capitulationism and the surrender of numerous high-ranking and important leaders.
In their fundamental document, Strategy and Tactics of the Indian Revolution, the comrades of the CPI (Maoist) are undoubtedly correct in their characterization of India as a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society, their definition of the current revolution as a proletarian-led New Democratic Revolution, and their conclusion that the path is Protracted People’s War (encircling the cities from the countryside). However, their understanding of the revolutionary line exhibits a certain mechanical tendency. They lack a systematic and scientific understanding of how to correctly conduct line struggle to guarantee the party’s revolutionary nature and advance the revolutionary cause. Their understanding of the revolutionary path in capitalist and imperialist countries—still clinging to the backward notion of first accumulating strength through open legal struggle before launching urban uprisings—is deeply confused.
On the most fundamental question of the line, the CPI (Maoist) continues to uphold the erroneous route of building the party from a conglomeration of loose factions, failing to consider building a steadfast proletarian vanguard through a political-newspaper line. These errors have manifested in their concrete practice: in May 2025, General Secretary Nambala Keshava Rao was martyred; in November 2025, the local authorities of the Central Regional Bureau began armed and unarmed surrenders, reaching agreements with the Indian authorities; in the same month, the surrendered former Politburo member Sonu even released videos through the media calling for further surrender; in January 2026, 17 Maoist members, including Central Committee member Comrade Anar, were martyred in the Saranda region. The comrades of the CPI (Maoist) urgently need to stop the destruction caused by internal opportunists and terminate this trend of collapse by correcting their political line.
The Communist Party of the Philippines in the Philippine Archipelago, South China Sea
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), founded on December 26, 1968, is the proletarian revolutionary party of the Philippine proletariat and people. Guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, it seeks to continue the unfinished revolution launched by the Katipunan in 1896, striving for national liberation and democracy against U.S. imperialism and the domestic big compradors, landlords, and bureaucrat capitalists. Similarly, the CPP has correctly defined and practiced the characterization of the domestic semi-colonial and semi-feudal society and the conduct of People’s War centered on armed revolution. In the decades since its founding, it has achieved a series of significant results, including the development of the New People’s Army (NPA), the 1986 overthrow of the reactionary Marcos regime, and the 2001 overthrow of the reactionary Estrada regime. In recent years, it has also fully established guerrilla fronts and carried out domestic struggles.
The CPP has undergone three Rectification Movements. The First Great Rectification Movement led a large number of members to break away from the old party (led by the Lava brothers: Vicente, Jose, and Jesus) to establish the current CPP, with Jose Maria Sison playing a leading role. After the failure of the Cultural Revolution in China, the CPP fell into a surge of opportunism, nearly reaching the point of disintegration. The Second Great Rectification Movement began in 1992 to rebuild the CPP, initiated after Jose Maria Sison’s release from prison. This rectification expelled a large number of opportunists; over the following 30 years, revolutionary trials were conducted, and several traitors from the former central authorities who had defected were executed. Sison played a conscious role in the first two rectifications (according to Chinese materials; other conscious comrades within the CPP remain unknown). The situation of the Third Great Rectification remains unclear, though a slight downsizing of armed forces has been noted, suggesting that internal rectification is taking effect.
The CPP conducts public mass organizational work among Philippine Overseas Foreign Workers (OFWs). There are reports of CPP activities in the Middle East, Singapore, and especially Hong Kong, though the specifics of how their public work is carried out in these regions remain unknown.
However, there are hidden dangers in the revolutionary strategy of the CPP comrades. For instance, they have not strictly followed the crucial principle of the segregation of the public and the underground. Consequently, revolutionaries and activists involved in negotiations, such as Benito Tiamzon and Wilma Austria, were easily captured and killed by the Philippine comprador authorities. Furthermore, the CPP program emphasizes the “principle of centralized ideological and political leadership and decentralized operations.” While intended to adapt to the needs of guerrilla warfare, the vanguard party itself must be centralized, unified, and follow a unified global chessboard strategy. This approach harbors the risks of decentralism and localism, which are key reasons for the emergence of several major opportunist lines since the CPP’s founding (such as the left and right lines of the 1980s and early 1990s that led to major setbacks before being corrected by the Rectification Movement). Additionally, the CPP comrades oppose the conduct of Protracted People’s War in imperialist countries, still adhering to the erroneous line of first engaging in legal struggle followed by urban uprising. Under the pressure of the new reactionary government and the dual exploitation of U.S. and Chinese imperialism, the CPP comrades need to conduct a fresh review of their revolutionary line.
The Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-Leninist) in Western Asia
The Communist Party of Turkey (Marxist-Leninist) emerged from the line struggles of the Turkish proletarian revolution. It offered a thorough critique of Kemalism, characterizing it as a fascist movement orchestrated by comprador and landlord classes. Guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the party analyzed national and class contradictions and viewed the Soviet Union’s trajectory as social-imperialist. Following the arrest and death of leader İbrahim Kaypakkaya, the organization faced intense suppression by state authorities. The central structure was nearly dismantled and later fragmented into various factions. Current groups claiming the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist banner include the TKP/ML (Central Committee), the TKP/ML (Organizing Committee), and the Maoist Communist Party (MKP). However, the movement remains divided, with some critics arguing that certain factions have drifted from the original revolutionary line toward opportunism.
The Communist Party of Peru in South America
The Communist Party of Peru, also known as the “Shining Path,” was established under the leadership of Abimael Guzmán (Gonzalo), influenced by the Cultural Revolution in China. The party defined Peru as a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society and sought to systematize Marxism-Leninism-Maoism as a theoretical framework. It initiated a “People’s War” rooted in rural guerrilla warfare, achieving significant initial impact. In later stages, strategic miscalculations regarding the balance of forces, combined with external intervention and internal divisions, led to the movement’s decline. Some suggest that a lack of focus on organizational reconstruction contributed to the party’s inability to recover. Contemporary groups such as the International Communist League (ICL) or “Gonzaloite” factions are often viewed by critics as sectarian or dogmatic entities that do not represent the original party’s legacy, but rather attempt to apply specific historical experiences to different contexts for political influence.