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Our Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Proposition on the Contemporary World Proletarian Revolution
Editor’s Note：
1、The war between Iran and the United States is in no sense just, because the aim of both sides is nothing more than to fight for a larger share in the exploitation of the Iranian proletariat. The interests of the proletariat can only be won by the proletariat itself; only the proletarian vanguard can represent them. The working masses, too, can realize all their aspirations—namely, liberation—only under the leadership of their own class’s independent and autonomous revolutionary party. Sadly, today most parties and organizations around the world that claim to be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism are merely passing off the counterfeit as the genuine. Only by summoning the courage to “set out anew from the beginning” and taking the political-newspaper line can the world revolution be reignited.2、Some people side with the Islamic Republic of Iran, viewing it as a force resisting the United States. Others side with the United States, seeing it as a defender of the “free world.” But neither side represents the interests of the Iranian working class. Both speak for different factions of the imperialist bourgeoisie, and both ultimately stand against the masses.
For this reason, the Iranian proletariat should not align with either camp. Instead, it must focus on building its own independent force, capable of resisting both foreign domination and domestic exploitation by landlords and the bourgeoisie. This approach echoes the path of the New Democratic Revolution in China.
The power of the people must be organized and guided by the conscious leadership of the proletariat, embodied in a Communist Party. Such a party can only be developed through excercising political-newspaper line and long 2-line struggle. Through this process, a strong revolutionary force and effective leadership can emerge.
On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched coordinated airstrikes against Iran under “Operation Epic Fury,” killing Ali Khamenei and much of the country’s senior leadership. While Trump announced that “we won this war in the first hour,” the war saw continuation into the coming weeks. Among Iran’s responses was the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, cutting off roughly a fifth of global oil transit and potentially triggering the worst energy disruption since the 1970s. Six weeks later, with peace talks collapsed, the United States announced their own naval blockade of Iranian ports.
Among the stated goals of the United States was a quick regime change. By destroying the top leadership, it was imagined that the masses of Iran would spontaneously overthrow their government. However, despite intense protests in Iran in prior months, the Iranian masses have largely rallied behind their government. At the level of politics, Iran has remained relatively robust during the war. At a tactical, military level, Iran has committed to a war of attrition. Initial strikes from the United States took time for Iran to recover from. After the second week of the war, strikes from Iran began to cause real harm to American military bases as well as to the United States’ allies in the region. Despite the destruction of the Iranian conventional air and naval forces, Iranian missiles remained untouched; there is also the large fleet of drones which remains operational. The Gulf States, allies of the Americans, have received intense damage to their infrastructure and oil production under the continued Iranian missile attacks. What was once believed, by the United States, to be a swift and targeted regime change had become an extended conflict. Lacking defenses for such a conflict, the United States was unable to totally protect their allies—needing to resort to the import of defensive missiles from faraway regions such as South Korea.
Whenever the entrance into this conflict has been criticized by bourgeois media and liberal commentators in the United States, it is usually done for cynical reasons, such as concerns over oil prices, and they are unable to provide a meaningful analysis of the deeper logic of the situation. To liberal observers, the war is merely irrational, a mere function of the irrationality of Trump. When one only has access to bourgeois news sources, there is the temptation to, by broadly reading sources, piece together a full picture of the ongoing situation. But this temptation must be resisted. Otherwise, bourgeois media and its interests are leading you by the nose. Marxists must see further than what bourgeois media sees and cares about. The alternative is a Marxist understanding of Iranian history. Fundamentally, it must be understood that the Iranian nation as it is, and Iranian bourgeois nationalism, is unacceptable to the big imperialist states. The Iranian bourgeoisie, whether represented by Mosaddegh or the Shah, have been overthrown in regime changes supported by foreign imperialists (it remains to be seen as to the fate of the Islamic Republic). Still, Iran remains a great historical nation. Much like old China, it is large, populous, and rich, with a real national consciousness among the masses. Imperialism has not been able to destroy the nation. The bourgeoisie are able to return in different forms and costumes, and their dictatorship remains essentially the same. But also much like old China, the failure of the national bourgeoisie to defend themselves is also their failure to carry out their progressive historical tasks, as demonstrated by the preference of each regime to persecute communists above all else (anti-communist bourgeois nationalism should be a familiar concept to everyone).
Lenin wrote that the bourgeois nationalism of oppressed nations has “a general democratic content that is directed against oppression.” So, from one point of view, the Iranian bourgeoisie, when looking outwards towards international imperialism, and in conflict with the imperialism of the United States, represents a progressive force. However, from another point of view, when the Iranian bourgeoisie looks inwards towards the Iranian nation and minority nations, they represent a reactionary force. Iran remains semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Economic regions are not integrated into an overall national space. The reserve army of labor continues to bloat under a continuous stream of migrant labor from rural to urban. National minorities are subordinated and excluded, etc. To sum up both “points of view,” Iran must not be partitioned by imperialism; at the same time, the Iranian bourgeoisie are no longer able to carry out their progressive national project. The contradiction between these two is that, if the Iranian bourgeoisie cannot carry out their national project, then imperialism will only ever continually encroach and attack with greater success. If the Iranian bourgeoisie do not have the power to carry out the national project, then who does? It is the proletariat, with proletarian power. The proletariat of Iran must carry out a New Democratic revolution. The proletariat must be led by the vanguard party, the most advanced detachment of the proletariat, capable of concentrating all the forces of the proletariat and their allies at one point within every mass struggle. The proletariat and its party must carry out the democratic tasks which their bourgeoisie failed to do, and, much like the Chinese revolution, overthrow the old colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal economy and politics; build up the new politics, economy, and culture; and, after the New Democratic period, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.