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Our Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Proposition on the Contemporary World Proletarian Revolution
Editor’s Note：
1、The war between Iran and the United States is in no sense just, because the aim of both sides is nothing more than to fight for a larger share in the exploitation of the Iranian proletariat. The interests of the proletariat can only be won by the proletariat itself; only the proletarian vanguard can represent them. The working masses, too, can realize all their aspirations—namely, liberation—only under the leadership of their own class’s independent and autonomous revolutionary party. Sadly, today most parties and organizations around the world that claim to be Marxism-Leninism-Maoism are merely passing off the counterfeit as the genuine. Only by summoning the courage to “set out anew from the beginning” and taking the political-newspaper line can the world revolution be reignited.原文：伊朗与美国的战争是没有任何正义性可言的，因为两方的目的只不过是为了在剥削伊朗无产阶级中争夺到更大的份额。无产阶级的利益只有无产阶级自己去争取，只有无产阶级先锋队能代表，工人群众们也只有在自己阶级的独立自主的革命政党的领导下，才能实现自己的全部愿望；即解放。可惜的是，如今全世界自称为马列毛主义的政党和组织，大多数都是鱼目混珠，唯有拿出“而今迈步从头越”的魄力走政治报路线重新点燃世界革命。
2、Some people side with the Islamic Republic of Iran, viewing it as a force resisting the United States. Others side with the United States, seeing it as a defender of the “free world.” But neither side represents the interests of the Iranian working class. Both speak for different factions of the imperialist bourgeoisie, and both ultimately stand against the masses.
For this reason, the Iranian proletariat should not align with either camp. Instead, it must focus on building its own independent force, capable of resisting both foreign domination and domestic exploitation by landlords and the bourgeoisie. This approach echoes the path of the New Democratic Revolution in China.
The power of the people must be organized and guided by the conscious leadership of the proletariat, embodied in a Communist Party. Such a party can only be developed through excercising political-newspaper line and long 2-line struggle. Through this process, a strong revolutionary force and effective leadership can emerge.原文：有些人支持伊朗伊斯兰共和国，将其视为抵抗美国的力量。另一些人则支持美国，将其视为“自由世界”的捍卫者。但是，这两方都不代表伊朗工人阶级的利益。它们都为帝国主义资产阶级的不同派别代言，且最终都站在人民群众的对立面。
因此，伊朗无产阶级不应与任何一个阵营结盟。相反，它必须致力于建立自己独立的力量，既能抵抗外国势力的统治，又能反抗国内地主和资产阶级的剥削。这一路线与中国新民主主义革命的道路相呼应。
人民的力量必须被组织起来，并由无产阶级的自觉领导来指引，这种领导就体现在共产党身上。这样一个政党只能通过践行政治报路线和长期的两条路线斗争才能发展壮大。通过这一过程，才能涌现出强大的革命力量和有效的领导核心。
On February 28, 2026, the United States and Israel launched coordinated airstrikes against Iran under “Operation Epic Fury,” killing Ali Khamenei and much of the country’s senior leadership. While Trump announced that “we won this war in the first hour,” the war saw continuation into the coming weeks. Among Iran’s responses was the closing of the Strait of Hormuz, cutting off roughly a fifth of global oil transit and potentially triggering the worst energy disruption since the 1970s. Six weeks later, with peace talks collapsed, the United States announced their own naval blockade of Iranian ports.
Among the stated goals of the United States was a quick regime change. By destroying the top leadership, it was imagined that the masses of Iran would spontaneously overthrow their government. However, despite intense protests in Iran in prior months, the Iranian masses have largely rallied behind their government. At the level of politics, Iran has remained relatively robust during the war. At a tactical, military level, Iran has committed to a war of attrition. Initial strikes from the United States took time for Iran to recover from. After the second week of the war, strikes from Iran began to cause real harm to American military bases as well as to the United States’ allies in the region. Despite the destruction of the Iranian conventional air and naval forces, Iranian missiles remained untouched; there is also the large fleet of drones which remains operational. The Gulf States, allies of the Americans, have received intense damage to their infrastructure and oil production under the continued Iranian missile attacks. What was once believed, by the United States, to be a swift and targeted regime change had become an extended conflict. Lacking defenses for such a conflict, the United States was unable to totally protect their allies—needing to resort to the import of defensive missiles from faraway regions such as South Korea.
Whenever the entrance into this conflict has been criticized by bourgeois media and liberal commentators in the United States, it is usually done for cynical reasons, such as concerns over oil prices, and they are unable to provide a meaningful analysis of the deeper logic of the situation. To liberal observers, the war is merely irrational, a mere function of the irrationality of Trump. When one only has access to bourgeois news sources, there is the temptation to, by broadly reading sources, piece together a full picture of the ongoing situation. But this temptation must be resisted. Otherwise, bourgeois media and its interests are leading you by the nose. Marxists must see further than what bourgeois media sees and cares about. The alternative is a Marxist understanding of Iranian history. Fundamentally, it must be understood that the Iranian nation as it is, and Iranian bourgeois nationalism, is unacceptable to the big imperialist states. The Iranian bourgeoisie, whether represented by Mosaddegh or the Shah, have been overthrown in regime changes supported by foreign imperialists (it remains to be seen as to the fate of the Islamic Republic). Still, Iran remains a great historical nation. Much like old China, it is large, populous, and rich, with a real national consciousness among the masses. Imperialism has not been able to destroy the nation. The bourgeoisie are able to return in different forms and costumes, and their dictatorship remains essentially the same. But also much like old China, the failure of the national bourgeoisie to defend themselves is also their failure to carry out their progressive historical tasks, as demonstrated by the preference of each regime to persecute communists above all else (anti-communist bourgeois nationalism should be a familiar concept to everyone).
Lenin wrote that the bourgeois nationalism of oppressed nations has “a general democratic content that is directed against oppression.” So, from one point of view, the Iranian bourgeoisie, when looking outwards towards international imperialism, and in conflict with the imperialism of the United States, represents a progressive force. However, from another point of view, when the Iranian bourgeoisie looks inwards towards the Iranian nation and minority nations, they represent a reactionary force. Iran remains semi-colonial and semi-feudal. Economic regions are not integrated into an overall national space. The reserve army of labor continues to bloat under a continuous stream of migrant labor from rural to urban. National minorities are subordinated and excluded, etc. To sum up both “points of view,” Iran must not be partitioned by imperialism; at the same time, the Iranian bourgeoisie are no longer able to carry out their progressive national project. The contradiction between these two is that, if the Iranian bourgeoisie cannot carry out their national project, then imperialism will only ever continually encroach and attack with greater success. If the Iranian bourgeoisie do not have the power to carry out the national project, then who does? It is the proletariat, with proletarian power. The proletariat of Iran must carry out a New Democratic revolution. The proletariat must be led by the vanguard party, the most advanced detachment of the proletariat, capable of concentrating all the forces of the proletariat and their allies at one point within every mass struggle. The proletariat and its party must carry out the democratic tasks which their bourgeoisie failed to do, and, much like the Chinese revolution, overthrow the old colonial, semi-colonial, and semi-feudal economy and politics; build up the new politics, economy, and culture; and, after the New Democratic period, establish the dictatorship of the proletariat.