委内瑞拉统一社会党党章、党纲草案<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />
建议翻译。
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/analysis/3095
Draft Program and Principles of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela January 23rd 2008, by Presidential Commission to Organize the PSUV
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Below is a translation of the draft program and principles of theprovisionally named United Socialist Party of Venezuela, which arecurrently being discussed at its founding congress. The documents weredrafted by the provisional leadership of the PSUV.
<?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />Venezuela's President Hugo Chavez made his first public call for thecreation a political instrument to unify the country's revolutionaryforces in December 15, 2006. Convened on January 12, 2008, some 1,676congress delegates elected from almost 15,000 socialist battalions --local units of the PSUV -- will discuss and debate this draft program,as well as the proposed priniciples and statutes of the new party, overthe next two months. In between congress sessions, delegates willreturn to their local regions and battalions to ensure the widestpossible discussion of these documents among the ranks of the new party.
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Draft Program
I. About the program
All revolutionary organisations contain three essential elements:
1. A politico-ideological doctrine
2. A critical analysis of the past and present, and
3. A program for an ideal future with the methods of action throughwhich to make possible the transition from the present to this idealfuture.
This program for the future is a "catalogue" of solutions to the evilsof the past and present. It is the product of a mixture of discontentwith what one has and the hope for what one aspires to have; an amalgamof bitterness and illusion. There are programs that focus essentiallyon the ethical and legal and there are others that seek to first find asolution to the social-economic problem.
The methods of action contemplate, in a mixed or simple form, one ofvarious types of "evolutionism" or "revolutionism". Although, in somecases, those that adopt a "gradualist" evolutionary method to startwith, get to a point where they agree to accept the possibility of"revolution" as a last resort, once the doors in the democratic systemhave been closed off.
Of course, all methods of action lead to an end: the taking andexercising of power. This is because possessing power signifies thepossibility - the only concrete one - of directly carrying out inpractice the programs for substituting one political structure foranother, and for changing a defective society for an ideal society. Apolitical party that does not aspire in some way to take power has noreason to exist.
Therefore, all programs should contain a "catalogue" of solutions andthe manner in which (times, moments and places) these solutions can becarried out, understanding that not all elements of this program can beapplied rigidly, indiscriminately and indefinitely in times or placeswhere conditions are not the same or similar to those when they werefirst conceived of. That is why, although the Declaration of Principlesor the Statutes of an organisation tend to be more permanent, itsprogram or programs of action have to be periodically revised by theorganisation (leadership bodies and congresses). New possibilities andnew necessities are constantly emerging, as well as new problems andnew solution. In regards to the "Programs" of the traditional politics,they were something which that that were to suffer from were not to betold about.
II. The program of the PSUV
1. Defence of the revolution. Build socialism
Taking as its starting point the championing and unconditional defenceof the government of the Bolivarian revolution, led by President HugoChavez, and the will of the Venezuelan people to construct thesocialism of the 21st century, the program of the PSUV is theinstrument with which to set out the objectives, forms and methods ofthis revolutionary project, and express them at each moment throughslogans that can facilitate the transition from the immediate realityto the end goal; slogans that, by definition, adapt themselvespermanently to the immediate circumstances.
2. Internationalism
The Bolivarian socialist revolution is unfolding within aninternational framework and a national reality. The programmaticdefinitions are therefore rooted in two different spheres: on one side,in the will for transformation based on an interpretation of thematerial fundamentals of historical development at the world scale and,on the other, in the immediate conditions of our country at a givenmoment.
Basing itself on the Bolivarian tradition, the program of the PSUVchampions internationalism and takes as its starting point the beliefthat the grand objectives of the revolution will have only beenobtained when the Latin American and Caribbean people obtain unity andnational and social emancipation, and together with the people of allthe world we have buried capitalism in order to open the door to a newera in the history of humanity.
But the concept of internationalism that the Party holds is not one ofsimple "international fraternisation between peoples", nor one ofsimply exhortations for "tolerance". The Party fights to create a trulyinternational united front of the peoples that is anti-imperialist andconfronts the aberrations that imperialism pretends to universalisewhere they appear.
The PSUV will work tiresomely to:
* Favour all activities that favour the unity of the people based, morethan just on a simple exchange, but on the principle of "doing thingstogether", so that the people get to know each other and feel acommitment to each other.
* Diversify international relations and create new alliances in orderto construct new axes, different to those favoured by the interests ofthe international market, transnationals and neoliberalism.
* Favour a solidarity-based exchange of resources with other countries,particularly with Latin America and the Caribbean, where thesolidarity-based and humanist dimension prevails over merely commercialinterests.
3. Build Popular Power. Socialise power
The program of the PSUV has as its objective making reality the slogan"in order to end poverty you have to give power to the poor", or bettersaid: the people. That is to say, build a government based on Councilsof Popular Power, where workers, campesinos, students and popularmasses are direct protagonists in the exercising of political power.
The program of the PSUV proposes the socialising of political power,establishing the direct exercising of decision-making power by themasses in their organisations; their unrestricted right to scientificresearch and the free artistic creation, and the democratisation ofaccess to all cultural policies.
The PSUV will carry out a constant struggle to:
* Promote democracy and a assembly-based culture within the Party, andin all spheres where it is present (communities, work fronts, areas ofstudy, activity etc.)
* Struggle to make self-government a reality, with cities, communal councils and communes as the basic political units.
* Promote, where necessary, the creation of new territories and/ormunicipalities in areas of human settlements, that, for historic,geo-political, cultural, productive or strategic reasons require theovercoming of fragmentation, along with the creation of theirrespective self-governments.
* Struggle for the transference of the largest amount possible of theplanning, execution and control over public policies to these citygovernments, communes and community councils by the constituent powersand its institutions.
* Promote direct and constant participation. That the largest amount ofmen and women possible be involved in the resolution of all theproblems posed by the struggle in its different phases and levels: fromthe socialist cities to the commune and the communal councils indifferent areas (popular power, social missions, water committees,sports committees, cultural committees, housing committees etc) up tothe military reserves. In regards to the specific area of industrialworkers, two fundamental axes for the implementation of this taskshould be the concepts of popular control and self-management.
4. Planned economy. Communal state
The program of the PSUV proposes to move in the direction of ademocratically planned and controlled economy, capable of endingalienated labour and satisfying all the necessities of the masses.Throughout this period of transition, which at this moment marches froma state capitalism dominated by market forces towards a state socialismwith a regulated market, the aim is to move towards a communal statesocialism, with the strategic objective of totally neutralising the lawof value within the functioning of the economy.
The PSUV proposes to build:
* A productive, intermediary, diversified and independent economicmodel based on the humanistic values of cooperation and thepreponderance of common interests.
* A society that prohibits latifundio, transferring these lands intoproperty of the revolutionary state entities, public companies,cooperatives, communities and social organisations capable ofadministering and making the land productive.
* A society that prohibits monopolies and the monopolists of the meansof labour, that is to say, of the "sources of life" [1], or any otheractivities, agreements, practices, behaviours or omissions by them thatmake vulnerable the methods and systems of social and collectiveproduction.
* A society with property models that privileges public, indirect anddirect social, communal, citizens' and collective property, as well asmixed systems, respecting private property that is of public utility orgeneral interest and which is subjected to contributions, charges,restrictions and obligations.
* A society that defends non-alienated labour, with sufficient freetime so that human beings have time for voluntary work and rest timefor scientific and humanistic creation, as opposed to the capitalistproductive system that revolves around the prolongation of the workday, the prolongation of free labour (for the capitalist owner) orincreasing "productivity", that is, accentuating the stress levels ofthe labour force.
* A society that is inclined towards collective forms of property andlabour, that is capable of distributing the "social product" in orderto maintain the means of production, broaden out production, createfunds or insurance against accidents or natural phenomena, coveradministration costs, satisfy collective necessities (schools,hospitals etc.) and sustain people who are unable to work, andafterwards proceed in "dividing up" for consumption purposes.
5. Defence of nature. Planned production
The program of the PSUV proposes the preservation of nature and theplanning of production for the satisfaction of collective necessitiesin harmony with the requirements of the ecosystem.
The PSUV fights for:
* The non-proliferation of highly contaminating industries that are not of a highly strategic interests for all the nation.
* The development of technologies in accordance with the socialist and humanist model of society.
* Respecting for popular, traditional and millenarian technologies which produce in harmony with human beings and nature.
* The preservation of water basins and sources of water.
* Raising consciousness about the preservation of nature and againstthe consumerist model of society that leads to the production ofuseless objects at the cost of exhausting natural resources.
* The promotion of consumption of ecological products.
* The promotion of collective and public transport use.
* The promotion of developing alternative sources of energy.
* Raising consciousness about saving energy usage.
6. Defence of the revolution and sovereignty
The program of the PSUV takes up the issue of the defence of therevolution, national sovereignty and public security through anindissoluble union of the FAN (National Armed Forces) and the people inarms.
In this sense, the PSUV takes up the tasks of:
* An alliance with the Armed Forces. A central issue of revolutionarystrategy is the alliance of the people as a whole with the NationalArmed Forces, as well as the workers with the middle classes of thecountryside and city (small and medium-sized peasantry, smallindustrial and commercial bourgeoisie in urban and rural areas).
* The organisation of Popular Militias.
* The organisation of Defence Committees in the Communal Councils, together with the reserves.
* The application of the principles of integral military defense and popular war of resistance.
7. A state based on Popular Power
The program of the PSUV proposes the construction of a state based onCouncils of Popular Power, with the full and democratic participationof workers, campesinos, students, housewives, intellectuals, artists,small producers and petty traders from the countryside and cities,guaranteeing the widest possible participation and protagonism of thepeople in determining and realising their destiny.
Based on these fundamentals, the search, elaboration and formulation ofa Program of Action is the most delicate task of the Party. It is alsothe issue that verifies if its leadership bodies respond or not to theexpectations of the Party militants, whom, by definition, must be themost finely honed antennas for detecting all the necessities andrequirements of the people as a whole, as well as the changes incollective behaviour and transformations in the mood of the masses.
[1] The addition of "sources of life" is to point out that land is understood to be a means of labour.
Draft declaration of Principles of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV)
1. The Threat
With the beginning of the 21st century, humanity has entered full speedinto the most dangerous crossroads in history. Capitalism, in itsimperialist phase, has reached its limits. After the successivepalliative postponements of a structural crisis, which has beencorroding the foundations of the system for decades, the dominantsocioeconomic mechanisms in the planet are jammed and threatening toexplode. The crisis of this irrational mode of production, based on theexploitation of countries, classes and individuals -- along with thedestruction of nature -- pushes the imperialist centres of the worldeconomy further into competition in a savage struggle for control overmarkets.
Pushed, firstly by the logic of this competition, and then by thenecessity to find rentable forms in which to invest massive amounts ofexcess capital (above all in the arms industry); and at the same time,by the imperative of destroying excess commodities in order to fix upthe mechanism and reinitiate the economic cycle, imperialism isdragging the world to war. With the current level of scientific andtechnological development, unlike the two world wars of the 20thcentury, this war will not limit itself to destroying human lives,goods and commodities, so that they can once again be produced andsold: it will end all forms of life on this planet.
The atrocities committed by the United States and smaller powers in theinvasion of Iraq is only an ominous prologue to what awaits humanity ifit is not able to put a brake on this deadly dynamic. Stoppingimperialism and impeding war are therefore the most transcendentalpriorities for the peoples.
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With the collapse of the Soviet Union at the beginning of the 1990s,the floodgates that stopped capital easing its crisis were broken,unloading it, without extenuating circumstances holding it back, ontothe dependent nations and its workers, peasants and middle classes.Since then, the brutal cost of sustaining the system has fallen on theshoulders of thousands of millions of people. The price of thecapitalist crisis in the imperialist centres is the dizzying increaseof misery in the Third World. An unprecedented concentration of wealthinto the hands of a few has as its consequence degradation, suffering,hunger and death for the immense majority of humanity, including in anincreasing manner the peoples of the imperialist countries.
This avalanche of poverty is the other side of the crisis thatthreatens life on Earth. Faced with the growing incapacity of theinstitutions and alliances with which it maintained its power in the20th century, imperialism now appeals to the desperate necessities ofmillions of human beings in order to pit one against another infratricidal wars, which can result in nothing but destruction,degradation and death on a scale never seen before.
2. Defeat poverty
Ending poverty, abandonment, marginalisation and the forceddehumanisation of hundreds of millions of people is therefore anotherpriority, inseparable from the previous one, in this current historicalmoment in which we live: without ending the polarisation of wealth andthe growth of poverty beyond anything ever seen in history, war will beinevitable.
At the same time, world history, and most clearly of all, theVenezuelan experience, has demonstrated that capitalism, even less soin the era of the crisis of imperialism, far from ending poverty,increases it everyday with its irrational evolution, showing the worldthat socialism is the only rational, necessary and possible directionto take at this crossroads for humanity.
3. Exercising power
The conclusion is clear: in order to end poverty, it is necessary togive power to the poor and build socialism; to impede war, it isnecessary to end imperialism.
4. The necessity of internationalism
The Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela has placed itself at thevanguard of this struggle, which from within our national borders hasprojected itself to the world as a whole. The Bolivarian ideal -- thatLatin American internationalism, which 200 years ago raised the bannerof union south of the Río Bravo, independence, sovereignty and thesearch for the largest sum of happiness possible for the peoples --defeated at the time by the collusion of imperialism with the localoligarchs, today is being reborn through the socialist revolutionwhich, from Venezuela, marks out a horizon of life, peace, liberty,democracy and happiness for all, converting itself into a beacon forthousands of millions of human beings in America and the world.
Venezuela is the victim of attacks, conspiracies and war preparationsby the United States not just because of its immense petroleum wealth,which the greed of the industrial powers have always longed for, butbecause the Bolivarian Revolution is an example for a world submergedin capitalist crisis.
5. Defence
The defence of sovereignty is identified with defence of the BolivarianSocialist Revolution. It converts itself into a landmark as to whetherimperialism can advance or not in its bellicose, annexationist,divisive and destructive dynamic across the world.
6. Unity
In order to confront such an enormous challenge, the BolivarianRevolution needs to accrue, consolidate and articulate, with maximumefficiency, the union of the Venezuelan people as a whole; it needs towork tirelessly for Latin American-Caribbean unity. It must join withthe nations of the South and the peoples of the entire world to createa force capable of countering, neutralising and defeating imperialism.
The (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela is theinstrument for carrying out these strategic tasks that history hasplaced once again on the table, now behind the banner of socialism.Above all, it will be the political instrument for uniting intorevolutionary and socialist action all the victims of capitalism inVenezuela. This social and political unity of the grand majorities willallow the Bolivarian Revolution to carry out the tasks it has set foritself: education, health, housing, work and wellbeing; and will allowfor the preparation of the people as a whole, so that together with theFAN [National Armed Forces] at the vanguard, it will be possible toface up to the challenge of defending our sovereignty in the face ofthe threats of invasion and violence that imperialism will use as alast recourse in order to impede the advance of the Revolution.
The Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) ofVenezuela is born as an expression of the revolutionary will of thepeople and their political leadership. It is the product of therevolutionary unity of the majorities and sees the supreme value of aplural, multifaceted unity that encompasses the broadest diversity inregards to ethnic, ideological and political origins, and around whichthe destiny of the homeland will be forged. Given that it summarisesthe most outstanding effort towards national and social emancipation ofour past, the most genuine Latin American internationalism, and becauseit has been the motor of the socialist revolution underway inVenezuela, Bolivarianism is at this moment in history the point ofunity of all the perspectives of revolutionary and socialist thought.
7. Direct participation
This unity requires the full and democratic participation of workers,peasants, youth, intellectuals, artists, housewives, small producersand petty traders from the countryside and the city, in the formationand running of all its component organs, in discussion and decisionmaking in regards to programs and strategies, and in the promotion andelection of its leadership.
An instrument of struggle made up of millions of free men and women,the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuelaat the same time ratifies the necessity for an effective centralisationfor action in the great battles already laid out: against poverty,against exploitation, against the degradation of human beings, againstinternal reaction and their imperialist masters. A tool for theunification of the grand majorities, the Party (Bolivarian Party forthe Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela is born nevertheless with theconviction that it faces a constant military threat from internal andexternal enemies of the Revolution, which is why it assumesresponsibility, at all levels, for the defence of the homeland, inorder to confront and defeat imperialism if it dares to tread on ourland.
Brought to life by the government of the Bolivarian Revolution andunder the impulse of President Hugo Chavez, the Party (Bolivarian Partyfor the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela nevertheless is not thegovernment. It is the political controller of the objectives of thegovernment and will keep a watch over it to ensure these objectives arecarried out. At the moment of its conception into national andinternational political life, the nexus point between the governmentand the Party is Commandante Chavez, and the full adoption by the Partyof the five motors and the seven strategic guidelines that todaysummarise the program, the strategy and the tactics of the BolivarianRevolution.
8. The principal responsibility
The responsibility of the Party consists in organising the people on aterritorial basis and through fronts: workers, peasants, students,youth, intellectuals, artists, housewives, small producers and pettytraders from the countryside and the city, around their necessities andconcrete demands and in the function of those strategic and tacticalguidelines and the Program adopted by the Founding Congress of theParty (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela. TheParty is therefore the point where the expression of popular will andthe application of those guidelines of the Revolution (from theconstruction of houses, sanitary attention, education, up to the armeddefence against an eventual foreign invasion) come together.
9. Overcome fragmentation and anarchy
This symbiosis, the dialectical interaction which must materialiseconstantly in the Party, overcomes all notions of abstract autonomy, asmuch from the government, as from the social movements, in order tomake way for a constantly changing synthesis, in which the Party actsat the same time as a two-way transmission belt and leading motor.
The Party is constantly constructing spaces of unity within diversity.Considering the construction of socialism as a great strategicobjective, the Party treats all tactical and programmatic proposals,concrete actions, and decisions taken in line with this objective withthe necessary tolerance and broadness, in order to achieve consensusamongst the forces that support the Bolivarian Revolution. The Partyunderstands the possibility and necessity of diverse layers of thepopulation coming onboard the process of constructing socialism as aresult of a collective or individual understanding of the risk that theprolongation of capitalist society means.
10. Original and creative
Following Simon Rodrigez's maxim, "we invent or we err", the socialismof the 21st century that the Party (Bolivarian Party for the SocialistRevolution) of Venezuela fights for will be original, its own, creativeand will have a profoundly collectivist sense of exercising power. TheParty will go to great efforts to educate itself and others in humanexperiences that have distant antecedents, such as American Indiancosmovision and primitive Christianity and more recent experiences likethose that from the 20th century that gave rise to the Soviet Union,Eastern Europe, China , North Korea, Vietnam and Cuba . But thesocialism of the 21st century will be the consequence of a creativepraxis, the free exercise of the will and desires of the Venezuelanpeople. It will be "neither imitation nor copy", to borrow theexpression of José Carlos Mariátegui, but rather a "heroic creation".It recognises the diversity of our origins and values the Indigenous,European and African roots that gave rise to our great South Americannation. It incorporates from the doctrine of Simon Bolivar, inparticular his anti-imperialist vision and his ideas about thenecessity of the union of Latin American and Carribean countries; fromSimon Rodriguez, his struggle of a liberating, popular education forall; and from Ezequiel Zamora his struggle for social property of land,his confrontations with the oligarchic powers and his program of socialprotection.
11. The construction of socialism: the only way out
Just as it is indisputable that private property over the means ofproduction in any society determines the relations of labour, humanrelations and all aspects of life, negating the objectives of ahumanist, solidarity-based, socialist society, it is no less true thatthe transition, above all at this current moment in humanity, demands acareful, objective evaluation of each step taken, in order to always,and at all times, guarantee the conscious participation of the majorityand the necessary efficiency to carry out all the requirements ofnational life, including its defence.
One does not have to be religious in order to identify with and be atone with basic principles of Christ that champion justice, equity andhuman and fraternal relationships between persons. "You will notoppress the poor and needy day labourer, be they from amongst yourbrothers or a foreigner that lives in the lands within your city", "Woeto me if you build your house without justice, and your rooms withoutequity, living off your neighbour for free, and not giving him thesalary for his work!", "No one can serve two masters because he willloathe one and love the other. You can not serve both God and wealth","Blessed are the poor, because for them is the kingdom of heaven,blessed are those that have a hunger and thirst for justice, becausethey will be quenched, blessed are the merciful, because they willreceive compassion".
One does not have to be an atheist in order to agree with Marx'sscientific analysis which led him to affirm: "in the capitalist systemof production, labour is external to the worker it does not belong tohis essential being; that he, therefore, does not confirm himself inhis work, but denies himself, feels miserable and not happy, does notdevelop free mental and physical energy, but mortifies his flesh andruins his mind. The worker feels himself only when he is not working;when he is working, he does not feel himself. This produces thereversion of all human values".
The exploitation of human by human is an impediment to being able tosee and recognise the human being within oneself and the one in frontof them; it contradicts the sentiments of solidarity; it mutilates theties of friendship. Capitalism kills by hunger or by glut, but italways kills.
Capitalism contradicts the human condition and goes against thesurvival of the species. The planet is being destroyed. The irrationalimperative for growth is provoking the destruction of ecosystems andthreats to extinguish the sources of life on Earth. This catastrophicdynamic is caused by the irrationality of a socioeconomic system thatomits the necessities of humanity and acts under the obligation of itsown logic, compelled towards constant growth in the pursuit of profit.In this crazy race, capitalism provokes periodic moments of crisiswhere, again in the pursuit of profit, it is necessary to destroymassive amounts of human lives and material goods.
Ever since human society was divided into classes, there has beenresistance and struggle against oppression and exploitation. But withthe victory of capitalism over feudalism and the dominance of thecapitalist mode of production at the world scale, the social strugglesof the industrial workers' movement fused with the most advancedthought of its time and gave rise to the struggle for a socialism basedon science and the most deeply felt sentiments of human beings.
Simultaneously, in our continent, Simon Bolivar was laying thefoundations for national and social emancipation with his liberatorystruggle and his humanist and revolutionary vision, affirming wordsthat today are fundamental for the union of our peoples and the socialtransformation of our time.
Faced with the crisis of the system and the grave threats that comewith it, the contemporary challenge consists in guiding action in sucha way that the exploited and oppressed masses of Venezuela assume themaximum amount of knowledge of history, the economy and politicaltheory, in order to tackle the immense task of responding in anoriginal manner, embedded in concrete reality, to the roots of what itmeans to be Venezuelan, the cultural particularities, including of eachregion and social group, in front of every normal day demands, eachdifficulty put forward by the transition from capitalism to socialism.
For the Party (Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) ofVenezuela there are no recipes from a manual, nor can there be, norimpositions by anyone who is not the conscious, organised Venezuelanpeople themselves, standing up and ready for combat
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Inter-imperialist competition opens up cracks between the owners of theworld and by default creates a multi-polar world in constant turmoil,to which the United States can only counterpose its military supremacy.Simultaneously, due to the demands to maintain its rate of profit, theout of control voracity of imperialism subjugates the bourgeoisies ofsub-developed countries beyond what is tolerable. Those who for twocenturies were submissive minor partners, who benefited from thelooting of their own peoples, see themselves pushed into conflicts thatfracture their former association of convenience. While the disputesbetween imperialists paralyses the world institutions that came intobeing at the end of the Second World War, and fragments at every pointon the globe the hegemonic bloc comprised of imperialists andsubordinated capital, the combined impact of this phenomena, within aframework of constant and growing popular rebellion, has worked towardsdemolishing the institutions through which political power wassustained in countries with dependent and sub-developed economies. Theworld is therefore witnessing realignments of all types, always to thedetriment of the power of the United States.
This conjuncture opens up the perspective of calling for aninternational anti-imperialist bloc on a grand scale, with theparticipation of national, provincial and local governments, differenttypes of social movements and political forces from a broad ideologicalviewpoint. The idea is to unite in action hundreds of millions ofpeople throughout the entire world against imperialism and its wars.
Similarly, in Latin America there exists the possibility of producing aqualitative transformation in the politico-organisational reality oftens of millions of exploited and oppressed. The Party (BolivarianParty for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela therefore sees thenecessity of forging instruments in which they can converge, and at thesame time remake universal revolutionary thought, as the vanguard in anera of immense challenges and great victories: capitalism isinternational; the revolution is international; our thought and theaction must be international.
Action in function of the notion of a global anti-imperialist bloc andthe revolutionary and socialist convergence of the LatinAmerican-Caribbean peoples, will guide the steps taken by the Party(Bolivarian Party for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela with thecertainty that making these objectives a reality will change therelationship of forces at the international scale and inaugurate a newhistoric era.
The agony of imperialism is an unavoidable fact. The Party (BolivarianParty for the Socialist Revolution) of Venezuela is born in order todefend the homeland, to lead the revolution towards its emancipatoryobjective, to join with all the other peoples of the world in the taskof burying imperialism and building a new world, fit for a free andfull humanity
[Translated by Federico Fuentes and Kiraz Janicke for Links.]