美国帝国主义全球化及其在菲律宾的精英伙伴
US Imperialist Globalization and Its Elite Partners in the Philippines
贸易、不平等与国家恐怖主义
Trade, Inequality and State Terrorism
December 12, 2005
(New Patriotic Alliance新爱国联盟)
翻译 廖汉威 核搞校对/SPP翻译小组
The Philippines entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995 ushered in a tumultuous decade for Filipinos. Our ten-year experience under the new global trading regime is marred by a never-ending series of crises hitting the country – the financial crisis in 1997, a people’s uprising in 2001, a persistent fiscal crisis that could make the country the next Argentina, and crisis-level human rights violations worse than what the country experienced under martial rule.
菲律宾于1995年加入WTO，遂进入了一个动荡的十年。在新全球贸易的统治经验下，这十年落入没有止境的系列危机中，冲击着菲律宾。1997年爆发金融危机、2001年菲国人民起义，持续的财政危机将使菲国成为下一个阿根廷。该危机所产生违反人权的水平更甚于菲国在戒严时期所经历的状态。
In most underdeveloped countries, imperialist neo-liberal economic policies are slowly but surely killing the livelihoods of millions of people, but the tragedy that critics of the WTO have predicted, appears to be unfolding at a faster pace in the Philippines. Consider the facts - the Philippines has one of the lowest GDP growth rates in the ASEAN, a double-digit unemployment, high inflation rate and a high debt to GNP ratio.
在多数未发达国家，帝国主义新自由主义经济政策以缓慢稳定的脚步掠夺多数人的生计，但菲律宾的悲剧却在于世界贸易组织的说项者们已经预言了一个更快打开市场的步伐。菲律宾是东南亚国协国内生产总值成长率最低的国家之一，有着两位数的失业率、高通货膨胀率与国内生产总值比例占高度债务的国度。
Human rights violations are also on an exponential rise. As of the latest tally, there are now 152 victims of political killings since January of this year. This led two international organizations to name the country as the second most dangerous place for journalists, next only to Iraq and one of the most dangerous for trade unionists.
违反人权案例也成几何比例成长。根据最新的统计，从2005年一月份至12月底已有了152名政治暗杀的牺牲者。这使得两个国际组织将菲国列为对新闻工作者第二危险的国度(仅次于伊拉克)，与对工会主义者最危险的国度之一。
The economic and political crises as these have unfolded however are not independent of each other. They are intertwined since one crisis tends to feed on the other. Before one completely dies down, another one erupts. Why then does the situation in the Philippines appear to be worse than its neighbors?
上述已揭露的经济政治危机却不是相互独立的。他们相互纠缠，因为单一危机喂养着另一危机。一个危机完全消失前，另一危机又将爆发。为何菲律宾的情势比它的邻国更糟糕？
Fast-track globalization
快速的全球化历程
Back in the early nineties, while other underdeveloped countries were negotiating for exemptions or a slower tariff reduction schedule under the GATT-WTO, the Philippine government boldly announced that it is fast-tracking the country’s trade liberalization commitments. The Philippines’ disastrous performance over the past two decades is therefore just the natural consequence of imperialist globalization taking its toll on a semicolonial and semifeudal society as facilitated by the Philippine ruling elite
回到九十年代早期在关税暨贸易总协议与世界贸易组织架构下，当其它未发达国家正对免税与较缓地降低关税的时程进行协商，菲律宾政府大胆的公布了一个快速跟进国家贸易自由化的承诺。.菲国过去二十年来灾难性的演出就是帝国主义全球化的自然结果，正施虐于为菲律宾统治精英所促成的半殖民与半封建社会。
It was a recipe for national disaster. But not everybody in the Philippines fared badly under globalization. For the country’s ruling elite – the big landlords and bourgeois compradors, it opened opportunities to consolidate and amass more wealth. As a result, the gap between the rich and the poor further widened. In 1994, the richest 10 percent earned an average income that was 19 times more than the income of the poorest 10 percent of the population. In 2003, however, the gap was 24 times more between the top and bottom 10 percent income deciles, leading to a further marginalization of the poor and underprivileged. For the same year, the income of the richest 20% comprised 53% of total national income. The remaining 47% is shared by 80% of the rest of the population.
It was a recipe for national disaster。但不是菲律宾的每个人在全球化下都过的很糟。对菲律宾的统治精英来说(包括大地主与资产阶级买办)，快速的全球化历程对他们开放了机会以巩固与累积财富。结果贫富差距进一步的扩大了。1994年最富有的10%人口所赚取的平均收入是10%最贫穷人口的19倍。然而2003年，在最高层与最底层的10%之间差距成为24倍，并导致穷人与下层社会进一步的边缘化。同年，20%最富有者的收入占全国收入的53%，尚余的47%却被剩下的80%人口所分享。
The Philippines before WTO
加入WTO前的菲律宾
加入TWO前的菲律宾正试着从长达20年独裁统治的毁坏中复原。马可仕作为美国冷战策略的同盟者，他与其党羽掠夺国家资产并使国家陷入债务危机。
The Philippines, prior to joining the WTO was a country still trying to recover from the ravages of a twenty-year dictatorship. The dictator Marcos, a strategic US Cold War ally, and his gang of cronies plundered the nation’s coffers 资产and plunged it into debt. In 1979, the country was among the first to enter the IMF Structural Adjustment Program. The combined effect of deregulation, privatization, and liberalization led to a general economic contraction. During the mid eighties GDP growth was a negative 3.9 percent. By the early nineties, GDP growth hovered at a mediocre range of to 4% to 5.7%.
1979年，菲律宾在众国间首先进入国际货币基金。结构调整计划结合了去管制化、私有化与自由化，造成了普遍的经济紧缩。在八十年代中期，菲国国民生产总值成长是负3.9%。至九十年代早期，国民生产总值成长徘徊在4-5.7%差强人意的范围。
The opportunity for reforms after the 1986 People Power uprising was wasted because the Aquino regime chose to uphold the same pro-imperialist policies as her predecessor前辈. Aquino turned her back on转身不里 the people and chose to honor the payment of all debts, including fraudulent ones, to earn the IMF seal of good housekeeping and to please foreign creditors.的But by prioritizing debt payments above everything else, the country had to make huge sacrifices in education, health, infrastructure and other basic services to the people. Over the years, the government failed to make significant reforms on education and health as the budgetary allocation was just sufficient to cover operating and maintenance expenses.
1986年后人民力量升起的改革机会被浪费了，因为艾奎诺政权(一如前政权)选择支持相同的帝国主义政策。艾奎诺背叛人民，选择支付所有债务，包括欺诈性的部分，并作为国际货币基金的好看门狗以赢取其信任，来取悦外国债权人。艾奎诺把偿债当作最优先考虑，菲律宾就必须对教育、健康、公共建设与其它基础服务作出巨大牺牲。时光苒荏，当预算分配仅足够涵盖操作与维持支出，政府却失于对教育与健康作出重大改革。
Managing the economy for the purpose of genuine national development, poverty alleviation and a more equitable distribution of income then became a very challenging, if not an impossible task as the IMF and the World Bank were practically dictating on the government what to do and not do.
以治理经济来成就真正的国家发展，减缓贫穷与更公平的收入分配变得非常具有挑战性，if not an impossible task当国际货币基金与世界银行正实际的指导政府什么该做或什么不该做。
If Marcos and Aquino submitted government to foreign control, the total surrender of Philippine economic policy to the dictates of US imperialism was almost completed under the Ramos regime of 1992-98. Ramos implemented full trade and capital account liberalization that removed all restrictions on the entry of goods and repatriation of foreign capital. Trade and investment policy were surrendered to a global institution dominated by giant corporate interests, the WTO.
假如说马可仕与艾奎诺政权屈从于外国控制，92-98年罗慕斯政权的经济政策则完全对美国帝国主义投降。实行完全的贸易与资本自由化，即去除所有对进口品的管制与外资汇出。贸易与投资政策向全球机构缴械，而这些国际机构却被大型法人利益(如WTO)所宰制。
By the time of the Arroyo regime in 2001 the government had become a complete appendage附属品 of imperialist economic interests. Government was, reduced to a managerial function in the service of foreign creditors债权人 and giant multinational interests.
时序进入2001年的艾若育政权，该政权已成为帝国主义经济利益的完全附属品。政府被缩小到一个服务于外国债权人与大型多国利益的治理功能。
To comply with its WTO commitments, the government changed 40 laws and regulations without regard for the basis of their existence, their possible consequences, or a careful long-term plan. New laws were also introduced including the liberalization and privatization of the power sector. There is now a drive for changing the Constitution and removing provisions that protect the national patrimony and economy. It was recently revealed that a US-based lobby group, Venable LLP, was hired by the Arroyo government to seek US congressional funding for the Philippine government’s thrust to revise the constitution.
为了遵守对WTO的承诺，艾若育政权更动40个法案与规定，无视于这些法规的存在基础、可能的结果或更细致的长期计划。新法律也被引进，包括权力部门的自由化与私有化。当前存在着一个修改宪法并去除国家遗产与经济保护的驱力。一个美国为基础的游说团体Venable LLP，为了菲国政府致力修宪一事，被艾若育雇用来争取美国国会资金最近被揭露出来。
The extent to which the government had become an appendage of US imperialism had at one point become literal. In February 2003, representatives from the Bayan Muna party revealed that a USAID-funded group called office in 11 key government agencies and drafted 12 important economic bills heavily favoring the US which would later be passed into law. These involved among others the safeguarding of intellectual property rights, the Special Purpose Asset Vehicle (SPAV), liberalization of retail trade and reform of the government procurement system.
菲国政府成为美国帝国主义附属品已经从点到线的扩大。2003年2月Bayan Muna代表揭露了一个美国国际开发援助署所赞助的团体，该团体名为增进公平成长、投资与自由化(Accelerated Growth, Investment and Liberalization with Equity, AGILE)，召集11个主要政府局处并起草12项重要经济法案，并在稍后通过为法律，深深地肥了美国利益。这些法律包括捍卫聪明财产权、非凡目的资产载体Special Purpose Asset Vehicle (SPAV)、零售交易自由化与政府采购体系的改革reform of the government procurement system等。
Staking a claim on globalization
宣誓进入全球化
The economic restructuring proceeded at a dizzying pace. This led peasants, workers, and sections of the middle class under the organizations of Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP), Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) and Bayan to actively protest the globalization policies.
经济重构以令人目眩的步伐进行着。这使得包含在KMP、五一工联KMU、新爱国联盟Bayan中的农民、工人与中产阶级部门积极抗议全球化政策。
From a political economic perspective, it is apparent how a congruence一致 of interests between imperialist powers and the traditional local ruling elite has reached its peak , albeit at the expense of the people.
从政治经济观点来看，尽管以人民为代价来成就，帝国主义权力与传统地方统治精英间具有利益一致性并已达到颠峰的状态。
Lethal mix: financial and trade liberalization
致命的结合：金融与贸易自由化
The government, which in the Philippine case is historically an elite-dominated and controlled institution, was sold to the idea that the best way to achieve faster growth is to subject the country to a neo-liberal shock treatment. It opened all sectors of the economy to foreign competition (even with respect to natural resource extraction such as mining), completed the privatization of the government-controlled utilities sector such as power and water, and allowed the full repatriation of foreign capital.
历史脉络来看，菲国政府为精英统治并对各机构加以控制，该政府也被卖给(盲信?)一个概念，即最佳达成快速经济成长的方式就是把国家置于新自由主义的震撼治疗里。它对外国竞争开放所有经济部门(甚至关乎于自然资源的抽取，如同矿业)，进行政府的私有化，如政府所控有的公用部门，像电力与用水；并答应外资的完全汇出。
The entry of surplus goods and capital in the country coincided with the lowering of tariffs in many sectors including manufacturing and industry. Cheap imports started flooding the market and displaced locally made goods. Manufacturing establishments were closing down in droves. It was not a good time to invest within the productive sectors of society. Money instead went into real estate speculation, consumption, non-tradeables other activities of the same nature.
剩余财货与资本的输入与降低中的关税同样在许多部门发生。廉价进口品开始泛滥于市场并取代本地制品。许多制造业因此停业。由于这不是个投资社会生产部门的好时期，资金反而流入不动产、投机买卖、消费、非交易性活动与其它同样性质的活动里。
For the landed class and the bourgeois compradors whose oligarchy extends to the banking sector, financial liberalization was a lucrative prospect. Having a majority or controlling share in one or two banks allowed them to obtain loans at very favorable interest and terms. Money flowed from foreign creditors right into their own hands which enabled them to shift into real estate speculation or enter into merger or takeover deals.
对地主阶级与资产阶级买办来说，他们的寡头统治延伸到了银行部门，金融自由化是一个有利可图的「前景」。拥有多数或控制一到两家银行股票使得他们可以获得相当有利的利息与期限之贷款。资金遂从外国债权人那里流入他们手中，使他们可以可将贷款变更为不动产、投机买卖或进入并购或接管企业的交易里。
But sooner than expected, the speculative bubble burst as it became clear that a lot of bad loans had been made. Foreign portfolio investment left as quickly as they came leading to a sharp peso devaluation and a drying up of the country’s foreign reserves.
但很快超过所预期的，投机性泡沫危机爆发，许多恶性贷款已经形成。外国有价证券投资从投资处抽离，造成披索巨额贬值也抽干了菲律宾的外汇储备。(译者按：目前汇率一美金约兑换51披索。)
There were calls for the government to impose foreign exchange controls like what Malaysia did to stop the peso dive and prevent runaway inflation caused by the peso devaluation. The government however prioritized the interests of foreign creditors above the welfare of the people and did nothing.
像马来西亚所作的，这需要政府对外国交换进行控制，来停止披索巨贬也防止披索贬值所带来飞涨的通货膨胀。然而政府对外国债权人利益优先化的举措却无利于人民福利。
Fiscal and financial crisis
财政与金融危机
The response of the government to the financial crisis was hardly imaginative. It resorted to the same contractionary program of the eighties. The devaluation raised the value of the dollar-denominated debt in peso terms. However, tariffs and custom duties, which were significant sources of revenue dried up. IBON Foundation, a socioeconomic research think tank placed the estimates of foregone revenue from tariff reduction at P100 billion a year. Revenue losses from tax exemptions granted to large corporations amount to P229.1 billion.
政府响应金融危机的方式极端缺乏想象力。他们求助于与80年代相同的紧缩计划。披索贬值却让美元升值，(但外债却以美元计价)，就需要以更多的披索来偿还美元债务。然而作为国家重要岁入来源的关税却因此被榨干。一社会经济研究智库IBON基金会估计，从降低关税所减少的岁入一年达1000亿披索。同意对大型公司免税所减少的岁入达2991亿披索。
The number of government-owned or controlled corporations or agencies up for privatization dwindled. The sale of these government assets artificially buoyed up government revenues during the period of restructuring which made possible the budget surplus posted from 1994-97, the only years that the country did not post a fiscal deficit.
国有或国家控制的企业或机关在私有化考虑下而缩减。这些贩卖政府资产的动作刻意在经济重建的时期浮报政府收入，在1994-1997年公告菲律宾仍有预算剩余，这是菲国政府唯一没有公布财政赤字的时期。
The nation’s total debt under the Arroyo regime rose to a historic high of P5.9 trillion in 2003 from P 2.167 trillion in 1995. Bayan Muna estimates that for every peso in tax paid by a Filipino, 94 centavos goes to servicing the country’s debt.
菲国总负债从1995年的2兆1670亿披索，在艾若育政权下2003年达到5.9兆披索。Bayan Muna估计从每个菲律宾人民所缴纳一披索的税中，有94分需要用来服务于国家的债务。
Forming strategic alliances in utilities
建构公用事业的策略联盟
The bond between foreign interests and the big local conglomerates tightened with the spate忽然增多 of new strategic alliances in the form of joint venture 合营公司and mergers and acquisitions. Most of these partnerships are concentrated on deregulated utilities, power, shipping, banking, telecommunications, and infrastructure.
外国利益与大本地集团的新策略联盟，像合资公司、合并与并购持续增加。其中多数的合作关系上集中在公用事业、电力、运输业、银行业、电信业与公共建设的去管制化。
Two large conglomerates owned by the traditional business elite, the Ayalas and Lopez, won the concession to operate the privatized water distribution service Manila Water and Sewerage System (MWSS) in 1997. Manila Water, went to the Ayala Group of Companies with its American and Japanese partners Bechtel, United Utilities and Mitsubishi Corp. Maynilad Water went to Lopez-owned Benpres Holdings Inc. with its French partner Suez Lyonnaise des Esaux partner.
两个大型、为传统商业精英所拥有的集团Alaya与Lopez公司，在1997年获得了特许区域来进行马尼拉自来水用水分配服务与污水下水道系统的私有化water distribution service Manila Water and Sewerage System (MWSS)。马尼拉用水区因此落入Ayala企业集团手中，该集团由美日合作伙伴贝奇异尔Bechtel公司、联合公用公司United Utilities与三菱公司Mitsubishi Corp所组成。Maynilad用水区则划分给Lopez公司，该公司为Benpres Holdings 公司与其法国合作伙伴Suez Lyonnaise des Esaux所拥有。(译者按：Benpres Holdings 公司为菲律宾前50大商业集团之一。)
Utilities are especially prized because of their status as a natural monopoly and the assured保证担保 high and steady stream of revenue it generates. The local and foreign partnership had disastrous consequences for the people as the granting of monopoly rights led to water rates going up by 450% since 1997.
由于公用事业本质上的垄断性质确保了高度与稳定的政府岁入，使他们变得非凡奇货可居。当同意了企业集团垄断权利的同时，本地与外国的合作关系已经对人民造成灾难性的结果，从1997年水费上涨了450%。
2001 People’s uprising
2001年人民群起
The Estrada administration which assumed office a year after the 1997 financial crisis erupted had to face the brunt冲击 of the crisis. His economic policymakers tried another tack方针 and instituted a short-lived expansionary 扩张性program to boost aggregate demand. Priority was given to a bankrupt housing program and higher military spending justified by the “total war" policy in Southern Philippines. However, the expected multiplier effect from pump-priming did not materialize. Instead, the reality that government was spending more than it was earning in revenues kicked in.
埃斯特拉达政权Estrada administration以为必须面对1997年金融危机爆发后造成的冲击。其经济政策采取别的方针在制定一短期的扩张性计划来促进总体需求。计划的优先性上，破产住房计划bankrupt housing program与较高的军费支出以「全面开战」的政策之名在菲律宾南部加以合理化。然而所预期刺激经济的市政投资此倍数效果并未实现。相反的，事实上菲国政府的支出多过于国家总收入。
Although corruption is endemic to all Philippine administrations, the issue of corruption under Estrada became more 打压pressing as the ruling clique派系 expanded the scope of its operations to include illegal activities, largely as a result of drying up of opportunities for bureaucrat capitalism.
虽然地方性的贪腐在全国官僚体系中比比皆是，贪腐的议题在埃斯特拉达政权下却成为更具压迫性的，因为统治派系藉此把他们的活动范围扩大到非法活动，大程度的吸干了官僚资本主义的机会(所以官逼民反的条件产生了?)。
The political and economic crisis eventually led to a second People Power uprising in 2001.The removal of Estrada from office paved the way for the ascendancy 优势of neo-liberal economist Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo who during her stint as Senator pushed for the country’s membership in the WTO. Corruption however worsened under the Arroyo regime. A 2004 study by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) placed the yearly revenue losses from corruption at 13 percent of the national budget while the National Tax Research Center (NTRC) estimates annual corruption losses at 20-30 percent.
2001年此政治与经济危机最终产生了第二次风起云涌的人民力量。罢黜埃斯特拉达的行动却为新自由主义经济学家艾若育构筑了坦途。艾若育在她参议员任内极力争取菲律宾加入世界贸易组织。艾若育政权下贪腐的情况加重了。联合国2004年的一项发展计划中揭示了，当国家税务研究中心National Tax Research Center (NTRC)估计每年贪腐减少20-30%的时候，菲国国家总收入的减少是由于贪腐使菲国减少13%的国家预算。
In its drive to liberalize the economy, the Arroyo regime was said to have entered into shady deals暗盘交易 with foreign corporations such as the IMPSA (Industrias Metalurgicas Pescarmona Sociedad Anonima) transaction which is said to involve at a $2 million pay-off in exchange for a sovereign guarantee by the Philippine government.
在菲律宾经济自由化的驱力下，艾若育政权被爆料涉嫌与外资企业进行暗盘交易，像与IMPSA(Industrias Metalurgicas Pescarmona Sociedad Anonima)的交易，据传菲律宾政府涉入一200万美金的贿赂案中来交换政府(对企业)的国家保证。
Agriculture
农业
The absence of genuine land reform has been a big stumbling block to national development. The biggest landlords come from a traditional land owning class that has been characterized by its general lack of interest in making investments to increase productivity. Landlords rely on feudal exploitation to amass wealth. Backward methods of agriculture and an inequitable distribution of distribution are the main reasons why two-thirds of the country’s poor can be found in the rural areas.
由于未落实真正的土改，这已经严重的阻碍了国家发展。最大的地主集团来自传统地主阶级，他们普遍对于增加投资以提升生产力的做法爱好缺缺。这些地主们倚赖封建剥削来累积财富。落后的农业生产方式与分配的不平等是菲律宾2/3穷人在农村地区存在着的主要理由。
Genuine land reform would have addressed the age-old inequalities spawned by the semi-feudal set up. But the land reform program under Aquino, herself coming from the landed class, was riddled with loopholes. It contained numerous provisions wherein land owners can actually evade distributing their land by converting it to commercial, industrial and other uses.
真正的土地改革揭示了长久以来的不平等源于半封建制度。但艾奎诺夫人政权的土地改革计划却来自于地主阶级，并与各种法律漏洞纠缠不清。该土改包含了众多规定，透过转移其土地到商业、工业或其它用途，使得地主能实际地规避土地分配。
The schedule for the redistribution of private land coincided with financial liberalization. Big landowners were desperate to evade land reform, so those who had access to capital took advantage of the cheap loans to convert lands into other uses. During the nineties, land use conversion became a big problem for farmers. Rice and corn farmlands were being converted into golf courses, luxury resorts and residential subdivisions. Based on government records, from 1988 to 2004, around 800,000 hectares of agricultural lands had been converted to other uses. Land conversion, according to a source from DAR, is the “easiest way of circumventing the law on land reform.”
私有地重分配的时程与金融自由化同步。大地主们情急拼命地规避土地改革，他们把握资本通路，并利用廉价贷款变更地目转作其它用途。90年代，土地使用变更成为农民们的大问题。稻米与玉米田被变更为高尔夫球场、休闲享乐名胜与住宅区地目。根据政府纪录，从1988到2004年约有80万公顷农地已变更为他用。根据DAR的说法，土地移转是防止土地改革法律推动最轻易的方式。
Also during this period, agricultural farm subsidies were slowly being dismantled by the government as part of the economy-wide shock treatment being implemented. Subsidized rice procurement by the National food Authority (intended to protect farmers from retailers who buy from farmers at very low prices) was reduced. During the mid nineties the NFA procured an average of 5 percent of total rice production when it would need to buy at least 24 percent of the national harvest in order to influence the market. Agricultural tariffs were also gradually reduced. By 1995, compared to other Southeast Asian neighbors, the Philippines had one of the lowest average agricultural tariffs.
同时，当作为经济一员的震撼疗法广泛的实行，农场补贴正被政府缓缓去除。国家粮食局的稻米采购补贴(目的在保护农民们免于零售商低价购米的行为)正在降低。90年代中期，当国家粮食局最少需要采购菲国农业收成的24%，它的平均采购量却是全部稻米生产的5%。农业关税也逐渐降低。比较东南亚的其它邻国，1995年菲律宾是平均农业关税最低的国家之一。
The result was that even the small number of land reform beneficiaries ended up selling their land because farming was no longer a viable source of income. The Center for Peasant Education and Services (CPES) in Southern Tagalog and Central Luzon regions showed that three out of five holders of Certification of Land Ownership Award (CLOA) or Emancipation Patent (EP) sold their rights or mortgaged their land then stopped paying the amortizations and abandoned their properties.
其结果是即使少数的土改受益人不堪负荷因此需要卖掉土地，因为不能再倚赖农业作为收入的来源。位于南塔加洛与中吕宋区的农民教育与服务中心(The Center for Peasant Education and Services ,CPES)表示，五名中有三位手中握有土地所有权证实Certification of Land Ownership Award (CLOA)或解放专利权(Emancipation Patent, EP)者，将他们的权利卖出或抵押其土地，随后中止偿还分期付款并放弃他们的财产。
Worse, imported agricultural products from imperialist countries with highly subsidized agriculture were being dumped in the Philippines. While poor countries removed subsidies, industrialized powers maintained high subsidies.
最糟糕的是从帝国主义国家进口的农业产品，这些高额补贴的农业产品被倾销到菲律宾。当穷国去除补贴时，已工业国大国仍维持高额补贴。
Instead of employment generation, 4 million jobs were lost in agriculture since 1995, and 9,900 farmlands went bankrupt.
不但不增加雇用机会，从1995年之后400万个在农业的工作已经丢失了，9900个农地已经破产。
Rice, corn, vegetables
稻米、玉米与蔬菜
Among those hardest hit by land conversion and import liberalization were the rice and corn farmers. Prior to the WTO, rice imports averaged 96,000 MT and rose to 1,126,000 MT 公吨in the next five years, or an increase of 1,072%. Average corn imports on the other hand rose from 55,000 MT to 414,000 MT, or by 653%.
稻农与玉米农是土地移转与进口自由化处境下遭受最严重冲击的对象。加入WTO前，平均稻米进口96,000公吨，加入世界贸易组织的后五年随即升高到1,126,000公吨，平均增加了1,072%。玉米的平均进口量从55,000公吨升高到414,000公吨，平均增加了653%。
The original government plan was to shift from these so-called low value-added agricultural goods to high value crops like cut flowers and asparagus. But this required a huge capital investment for the producers.
原本政府的计划是将低附加价值之农业产品往高附加价值的作物转移，像cut flowers 与芦笋，但对生产者来说这需要高度资本投资。
As average vegetable imports rose by 169%, vegetable farmers in the Cordillera and Central Luzon found themselves victims of the lopsided and unjust global trading regime.
当进口蔬菜平均升高了169%，在Gordillera与中心吕宋的蔬菜农发现他们成了不平衡与不正义的全球贸易政权下的牺牲者。
Prior to globalization, farmers in the Cordillera were encouraged to plant potatoes. When the market was flooded with cheap potato imports, farmers found no buyers for their produce. Many left their potatoes to rot in the fields.
进入全球化之前，Cordillera的农民们被鼓励种植马铃薯。当当地市场泛滥着廉价的进口马铃薯，没有买家购买他们的农产品。许多农民只好把马铃薯留在田里任其腐烂。
Poultry and livestock subsection
家禽与家畜次部门
The US twice brought to the attention of the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) certain measures like delays in granting of import licenses that allegedly impeded the entry of American hog and poultry into the country and accused the government of violating its WTO commitments. The US move was supported by the EU which was also interested in the Philippine market. The dispute was settled with the government conceding让步 to the US request at the expense of local producers. As a result, the average importation of hogs rose by 1,700% and poultry by 1,200%.
美国两次关注于世界贸易组织的争端解决机构Dispute Settlement Body (DSB)，其中一些措施像延缓同意进口执照的核发，来阻止美国猪肉与家禽的进口；另一项则为指控当地政府违反世界贸易组织的共识。美国的对策为欧盟所支持，欧盟也同样有爱好进入菲律宾市场。以本地生产者为代价的，上述争议最终已经谈妥，菲国同意对美国的要求让步。结果，输入的猪肉平均增加了1700%，家禽肉则为1200%。
Manufacturing and Industry subsection
制造业与工业次部门
Globalization’s destructive effects on business establishments and labor is staggering. According to IBON, each day, from 1995 to 2004, six firms closed down, and 164 people were forced out of work daily due to closures or retrenchment.
全球化在商业机构与劳动造成的破坏性结果巨大异常。依据IBON基金会的研究，从1995年到2004年，由于关厂与(经济)紧缩天天有6家公司停业，164人被迫失业。
In a similar survey conducted among the members of the Federation of Philippine Industries (FPI), 56 member firms closed down from 1995 to 2001, displacing 80,319 workers. Twenty nine firms have downsized their operations and retrenched 4,019 workers.
在菲律宾工业联盟(Federation of Philippine Industries, FPI)一篇针对会员的调查报告指出类似的情况，从1995年到2001年有56间会员公司停业、撤换了80319名员工、29间公司缩小规模并紧缩了4019名劳工。
In the shoe industry 20,000 workers lost their jobs due to retrenchment or closure, in the cement industry, 23,400; in steel 2,000; rubber wheels, 7,000; flour, 1,000 and in motor vehicles, 7,000.
由于经济紧缩与关厂，制鞋业有20000名劳工失去工作；在水泥业中有23400名；钢铁业中有2000名；橡胶轮胎业有7千名；面粉业有1千名；汽车业中有7000名。
Even more alarming is the trend towards higher degrees of monopoly or oligopolistic concentration within the manufacturing and corporate sector. A report by the Department of Trade and Industry showed that the four-firm concentration ratio (C4) for all manufacturing (which is the share of the top four firms in the industry), increased from 70.88 in 1988 to 73.64 in 1995. In the same study, profits in manufacturing tend to increase with the concentration index indicating that the biggest firms possess sufficient market power to fix prices.
更令人忧虑的是制造业与企业部门走向垄断或寡占集中的趋势。在商业与工业部的一份报告中说，位于工业顶层的四家公司(C4)在全部制造业中的集中比率(四家公司市占率)从1988年的70.88增加到1995年的73..64。同样的研究指出，制造业的利润伴随着集中化的指标增加，意味着最大的企业拥有充足的市场力量来决定物价。
Another study conducted by the Philippine Institute for Development Studies, showed that the industry-wide C4 concentration ratio increased from 71% in 1988 to 88% in 1998.
另一项菲律宾发展研究协会的研究指出，整个工业大型公司(C4)的集中比率从1988年的71%增加到1998年的88%。
The same trend is refleted in the corporate sector. Among the publicly listed firms, one dominant shareholder controlled on average 41% of equity. The top 5 shareholders have a majority control of 3 out of every 4 listed companies. Far from encouraging competition, the number of closures, coupled with the number of mergers and acquisitions under globalization only served to reduced the number of firms to a few monopolies.
同样的趋势也反映在企业部门。在上市公司里，一个最大的股东控制了平均41%的股东权益。对上述公司，每四家就有三家是被前五大股东所控制。不但不鼓励竞争(?这里有点希奇)，在全球化底下关厂、合并与并购的数量只造成公司数目的减少甚至成为少数财团的垄断行为。
Data from 1990 to 1996 showed 21 cross-border mergers and acquisitions (M&As) took place in the Philippines amounting to US$515.90. In 2004, there were 46 publicly announced merger and acquisition deals with a combined amount of US$420.9 million.
从1990到1996年的数据显示，菲律宾有21件跨界合并与并购案发生，总额达515.91美金。2004年有46件公开公布的合并与并购案，总计金额达420.9百万美金。
The quantitative losses were matched by a qualitative decay in manufacturing structure. Firms that have survived and can potentially survive the onslaught of globalization are those engaged in very little value-added production. A large proportion of inputs are imported and the products eventually exported.
在制造业结构里，质量上的滑落与数量上的损失差可比拟。在全球化袭击下能够生存或有生存潜力的是那些具有微薄低附加价值生产的公司。进口大比例的输入(品)，且这些产品最终将出口国外。
This is true for the country’s two top leading exports - electronics, where almost two-thirds of its total value is imported- and garments and textiles, where imported inputs comprise 64% of the total value.
菲律宾两项最top的出口品，其中电子消费产品2/3的总值来自进口，成衣业与纺织业进口输入占产品总值的64%。
The export winners failed to form any backward linkages with the rest of the economy. Since the abolition of laws that required that a certain percentage of manufacturing inputs should be sourced from the Philippines, the country became a part of the internationalization of the global production processes of corporate global giants.
这两项出口大赢家却失于与其余的经济结构产生反向的连结。由于废除了要求制造业输入品需来自菲律宾的法令，菲国成为全球巨型企业下全球生产过程国际化里的一个棋子。
The percentage of manufacturing share to total GDP deteriorated over the last three decades. From 25% during the 1970s, this went down to 22%. According to the Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research (EILER), the share of manufacturing value-added and employment is actually lower today when compared to the mid-fifties level.
制造业的部份在整体国民生产总值所占比率在过去三十年来持续下降，从1970年的25%，已经下降到目前的22%。根据Ecumenical Institute for Labor Education and Research (EILER)，比较50年代中期的水平，在今日制造业股票的附加价值与雇用确实较低。
As former National Economic Development Administration chief Cielito Habito put it, “Manufacturing is narrow, hollow and shallow.” This give rise to the phenomenon of jobless growth where any nominal GDP growth is not accompanied by an increase in employment.
如同前国家经济发展部部长Cielito Habito所指出的，菲国制造业就是规模小、空洞化以及根基浅薄narrow, hollow and shallow。上述种种造成了失业率的攀升，表面上GDP的成长并不伴随着雇用的增加。
Labor
劳动
Unemployment is now the highest since the last half century. About 4.8 million Filipinos are unemployed and 8.4 million are underemployed, bringing the number of people looking for work or still looking for additional sources of work to 13 million.
从上世纪的后半叶以来，目前菲国失业处在最高状态。大约480万菲国人民处在失业状态，约840万人民未充分就业，导致约130万人正在寻找工作或正寻求额外的工作机会。
For the employed, the daily minimum wage of PhP350 (US$6.93) is not even sufficient to cover the daily cost of living at PhP756 (US$14.97). Workers have long demanded for a legislated wage increase but the government’s export-oriented economic strategy is anchored on maintaining cheap wages and a docile labor force.
就被雇用者观点来看，每日最低350披索的薪资规定并不能充分涵盖每日756披索(约14.97美金)的生活成本。劳工因此有立法增加薪资的长期需求，但政府的出口导向经济策略却维持在低工资与易驾驭劳动力的定位。
Having a job also does not mean that one can keep it. Hiring of contractual labor is fast becoming the norm. Workers are hired, fired and rehired in a cycle of six months thus narrowing, if not eliminating, the chances of landing a regular job. Other forms of contractualization include subcontracting, agency-hiring, job-out and homework.
拥有一份工作并不意味着劳工就可以保有饭碗。契约劳动的雇用快速成长也成为一项规范。工人的雇用、解雇与再雇用在六个月里经历一个循环，这是窄化(而非去除)正式的工作机会。其它契约化的形式包括转包制、劳务中介、外包制与家务劳动。
These irregular forms of employment were intended to make the labor market more flexible, and drive down labor costs, thus making foreign investments in the Philippines more profitable. Job security and other hard-won gains by the unions are undermined. The formation of unions are discouraged. In most cases, a contractual does not have social security and other benefits a regular worker enjoys.
非正式雇用形式的意图在使劳动市场更加弹性化，并压低劳动成本，使外国投资在菲律宾能够更「钱」景看好。工会框架下的工作安全与其它得来不易的所得逐渐丧失。组织工会不被鼓励。在多数的例子中，契约劳动并不包含社会安全与一个正式工所享有的其它利益。
In 1990, two-thirds of all establishments employed workers in irregular and atypical employment. According to EILER, “the combined share of casual, contractual and part-time workers in total enterprise-based employment fluctuated around 14-15 percent from 1990 to 1994 but jumped to 18.1 percent between 1994 and 1995, and further to 21.1 percent as of 1997 (for which latest data is available). However, this underestimates the extent of contractualization, to be sure, considering that these account for only three forms of insecure employment and only those reported by employers to the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE).”
在1990年，所有企业里有2/3的劳工是属于非正式或非典型雇用。根据EILER，整体企业里包括临时工、契约工与部分工时工的雇用比例巨幅震荡，从1990到1994年的14-15%，到1994-1995年的18.1%，在97年并增加到21.1%。然而该统计低估了契约化的程度，由于这些说明只考虑了不安全雇用的三种形式，加上这些案例也只包括那些曾向劳动与雇用部举报的雇主们。
IPR聪明财产权
The US alleged that it has been losing US$120 million in copyright violations in the country; the Philippines is on the Super 301 Priority Watchlist of violators. While the US claims to be losing on this ground, it gained headway with the of IPR protection laws that favor US multinational interest in the country such as the Intellectual Property Code and the Electronic Commerce Act.电子商务法
美国宣称，由于违反著作权导致美方在菲律宾损失了1亿2000万美金，菲律宾被列为超级违反301的优先观察名单中。当美国宣称他们在菲国蒙受损失，美国却借着聪明财产权保护法挣得了巨大利益，该法肥了跨国公司的利益，像智能财产法Intellectual Property Code 与电子商务法 the Electronic Commerce Act。
More recently, the farmers’ groups were shocked to hear Congress revelations that the Plant Variety Protection Act otherwise known as RA 9168 was based entirely on a draft prepared by a US lobby group funded by the USAID. According to the Bayan Muna Party-list, the law allows foreign seed and biotechnology transnational corporations to secure protection rights over plant varieties in the country, to the detriment of informal and indigenous breeders who have been developing and improving on local plant varieties for centuries.
最近，农民组织震动地从国会咨文中听到植物多样性保护法案the Plant Variety Protection Act(即知名的菲国第9168号法案)完全遵从美国一游说团体所撰写的草稿（而该游说团体是USAID赞助资金的单位）。依据Bayan Muna所列举的，该法案答应外国种子与生物科技跨国公司在菲国拥有植物多样性的专利保护权，进而损害了非正式与本地的养育者，他们数个世纪以来已经发展并改进了本地的植物多样性。
The same lobby group also provided assistance to the Department of Agriculture, Department of Health and Department of Science and Technology in developing guidelines to make present and future biotechnology laws consistent with international obligations.
同样的游说团体也对农业部、国民健康部与科技部提供发展的「指导方针」，把目前与未来的生化科技法与国际义务接轨起来。
This was how the US agri-giant Monsanto succeeded in introducing its genetically modified Bt corn seed in the country on a massive scale. A bag of Bt corn seeds for a hectare of land costs P4,500 while ordinary hybrid corn costs only P2,300. According to Masipag, a network of scientists and peasants of which KMP is a member, the difference roughly corresponds to Monsanto’s charge for its IPR use. In 2003, as there were 20,000 hectares of land planted to Bt corn in the country, Monsanto earned P44 million.
这就是美国农业巨贾孟山多Monsanto如何能成功的大规模引进其基因改造的Bt玉米种子。在每公顷的土地上，当一般的杂种玉米种子只要成本2300披索，一袋Bt玉米种子却需要4500披索。根据一科学家与农民的网络组织KMP的成员Masipag所说的，这价格差异大体上是由于孟山多以聪明财产权之名所收取的费用。在2003年，有2万公顷的土地种植孟山多的Bt玉米，该公司赚进4400万披索。
People’s resistance and increasing human rights violations
人民的反抗与增加中的违反人权案例
As millions of people lose their jobs, and are deprived of their basic right to live decently, the number and scale of protests have also risen. The fight for economic survival transformed into a deeper understanding of the workings of the unseen villains behind their personal tragedies.
当数百万菲国人民失去工作、被剥削而失去了合理生活的基本权利，人民抗议的数量与规模已经烽火遍地。为经济生存的斗争已经转变为对于隐藏在人民个人悲剧背后那些恶棍所干勾当更深层的理解。
Already isolated from the people, the Arroyo regime desperately woos Washington to convince the US that, despite the public clamor for Arroyo’s removal from office, she is still their best puppet. As one of the first national leaders to express support for the US invasion of Iraq, she had already proved her worth as a rabid ally of the US. During the recently concluded APEC Summit in Korea, Arroyo proposed that the Philippines host an APEC meeting of counter-terrorism experts and that the US lead the initiatives within the regional body. Her spin doctors now call her an international leader in the global fight against “terrorism”.
艾若育自绝于人民之外，该政权绝望地向华府恳求来说服美国人民，尽管菲国人民呼吁艾若育应与华府脱钩，但她仍是华府最好的傀儡。作为第一个支持美国入侵伊拉克的国家领导人之一，艾若育已证实了她的价值就是作为一个美国强力的同路人。在南韩召开的亚太经济合作高峰会APEC Summit期间，艾若育提议由菲律宾主办亚太经合会之反恐会议，并主张由美国主导在亚太地区的反恐行动。她的媒体顾问spin doctors称她为全球对抗恐怖主义的国际领袖。
It has been acknowledged worldwide that the US “war on terror” is aimed at protecting US politico-military and economic interests world wide. There is a logical link between the targets of the US “war on terror” and the economic and military expansionist thrusts of the Bush administration under imperialist globalization. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan followed this logic. US military intervention in the Philippines on the other hand follows from US strategic political, military and economic interests in Southeast Asia.
全球公认的，美国反恐之战目的在保护美国在全球的政治、军事与经济利益。在美国反恐之战的锁定对象与布什政权下经济军事扩张主义者的目的间有一个逻辑上的连带。入侵伊拉克与阿富汗就是循着这样的逻辑。另一方面，美国军事干预菲律宾的举措就是美国着眼于东南亚利益所展现的政治、军事与经济策略。
Arroyo’s efforts were richly rewarded with the rare opportunity of a US state visit in 2003 where talks of considering the Philippines as a “non-NATO ally” surfaced. Bush explained that this would mean that it will be easier for the US to answer Philippine requests for military equipment and other forms of aid in modernizing the capabilities of the military.
2003年艾若育的努力获得了美方少有的回馈，对方盛赞菲律宾是「非北大西洋公约组织的盟友」“non-NATO ally”。布什对此的解释是，这意味着对美国来说(非凡在)现代化菲国的军事能力上，将更轻易响应菲律宾对军事设备与其它形式援助的要求。
The Arroyo regime also concocted 捏造a devious歪曲 and dangerous scheme to tag a revolutionary people’s movement as “terrorist” and lobbied for the formal inclusion of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) in the US list of terrorist organizations. However, the 2005 Philippine Human Development Report (PHDR) commissioned 委任by the UN Development Program and the New Zealand Aid practically exonerated 证实无罪the Communist Party of the Philippines from allegations that it is a terrorist group. It said, “In fairness to the CPP-NPA (New Peoples Army) historical record of armed struggle, it has not, as a policy and generally in practice, engaged in terrorism or acts of terrorism by deliberately targeting civilians,” the report said.
艾若育政权也谋划一个隐微与危险的计划，把革命的人民运动标贴为「恐怖份子」，并透过游说把菲律宾共产党与新人民军列为美国的恐怖份子组织名单之列。然而，联合国发展计划与纽西兰援助金所委制的2005年菲律宾人权发展报告Philippine Human Development Report (PHDR)却实际的证实菲律宾共产党在那些指控下是无罪的。其中该报告说道：「对菲律宾共产党与新人民军来说这是公正的，不管政策上或普遍的操作上，回顾其武装斗争的历史纪录都并无蓄意以市民为目标而涉入恐怖主义或恐怖主义的行为。」
It now appears that the Arroyo regime’s baseless and maliciously恶意的 erroneous不正确的 pronouncement is just a smokescreen to hide the real intent of quashing all forms of legitimate protest directed at bankrupt economic policies and corrupt leadership. Fearful that she will suffer the fate of her predecessor who was ousted by a popular people’s uprising, Arroyo has expanded the definition of “terrorism” and “terrorist” activities to include legitimate forms of protests. She has specifically targeted leaders and members of progressive people’s organizations and cause-oriented groups such as Bayan, KMU, KMP, Bayan Muna, Gabriela and Karapatan who are critical of imperialist globalization and the government’s “all-out war” policy and whose membership were key forces in the ouster of the previous administration.
很明显的，艾若育政权这些没有基础、恶意与错误的指控只在制造烟雾，意图在隐藏其打压所有合法抗争形式的目的，而这些抗争却直指着菲国破产的经济政策与贪腐的领导阶层。艾若育惧怕将遭受前任独裁者被人民力量驱逐的相同命运，遂扩大解释「恐怖主义」与「恐怖行为」，将合法抗议纳入其中。她非凡锁定进步的人民运动领袖与成员，以及一干「滋事团体」像Bayan, KMU, KMP, BAYAN MUNA, Gabriela and Karapatan 等。这些团体以及一些驱逐前政权的主要干部对帝国主义全球化、相关政府「全面开战」的反恐政策提出批判。
In a speech given before business leaders in 2002, Arroyo declared war against “criminals, drug lords, gambling lords… and those who terrorize factories that create jobs.” Her open declaration of war against striking workers led to the death of three trade union leaders this year. Diosdado “Ka Fort” Fortuna, the respected 51-year old union president of the global food giant Nestle Philippines Inc. was shot on the head by motorcycle-riding gunmen in October. In September, Teotimo Dante, union board member of the Schneider Packaging Workers’ Union (SPWU) died at the picket line when company security forces opened fire on the strikers in an attempt to disperse them. Recently, Ricardo “Ka Ric” Ramos, president of the striking Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU) in Hacienda Luisita was shot dead by armed men suspected to be soldiers.
在2002年一场商界领袖聚会的演说中，艾若育发表对「罪犯、贩毒分子、聚赌分子与那些恐吓工厂分子」宣战。她进而公开公布对抗罢工滋事分子，并导致三名工会领袖的死亡。Diosdado “Ka Fort” Fortuna是名年约51岁、全球食品拖拉斯「雀巢」公司的工会主席，十月份他被摩托车持枪者枪击头部致死。九月份，由于工厂武装安全人员对罢工群众开火企图驱散示威者，Schneider 包装厂同业工会成员Teotimo Dante逝世于罢工线现场。最近，位于路易西塔大庄园(Hacienda Luisita)的striking Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU)工会主席Ricardo “Ka Ric” Ramos，被怀疑为军人的武装人员枪击致死。
The Center for Trade Union and Human Rights (CTUHR) recorded 27 cases of assault at the picket lines involving 1,457 individuals nationwide from January to September this year.
工会与人权中心(The Center for Trade Union and Human Rights, CTUHR)记录了27件在罢工线的攻击案例，从2005年1月到9月在全国包含了1457名受害者。
During his state visit, US President Bush congratulated Arroyo for her tough stance on “terrorism” and offered some words of advice: “You can’t talk to them (terrorists), you can’t negotiate with them, you find them.” Arroyo explained that “in the Philippines, terrorism (sic) thrives and gets its recruits, not coincidentally, in the provinces that are the poorest, in the region that is the poorest in our country.”
在布什总统造访期间，他为艾若育反恐的坚定立场道贺，并提供建言，「你不能与恐怖份子们谈什 ，你不能跟他们协商什 ，你要做的就是把他们揪出来。」艾若育解释道「在菲律宾，恐怖主义的猖狂与壮大并不是偶然，在乡间地区有许多赤贫者，恐怖份子就存在于那些赤贫者间。」
Since January this year up to the time of this writing alone, Arroyo’s state-sponsored terrorism claimed the lives of 152 people according to the human rights group KARAPATAN. They have been assassinated or killed because of their involvement with people’s organizations, participation in rallies or strikes, opposition to foreign mining firms and other multinational corporations’ operations in the country, and staunch opposition to the US-backed Arroyo regime.
根据人权团体KARAPATAN的统计，从2005年1月到撰写本文的时间为止(译按：2005年12月)，艾若育国家资助的恐怖主义已夺走152条人命。由于他们与人民组织联系、参与游行或罢工、对抗外国矿业公司或其它多国公司、并坚定的反对美国所支持的艾若育政权，他们被暗杀或谋杀。
A total of 4,207 cases of human rights violations were recorded affecting 232,796 individuals or 24,299 families in 237 communities. Most of the cases occurred in poor rural areas that are grievously affected by the policies of imperialist globalization.
全部已记录有4207个违反人权的案例，并影响了237个小区中的232796名个人或24299个家庭。多数的案件发生在贫穷的乡村区域，这些地区痛苦的受帝国主义全球化政策的影响。
Conclusion
结论
In the Philippines, imperialist globalization breeds a vicious and never-ending cycle of economic and political crises. US imperialism imposes policies to further open up the Philippine market for their surplus products and capital while the ruling elite benefits from corrupt activities because of huge payoffs and 有利可图lucrative partnerships with foreign firms. By their nature, these policies reduce the majority of the people to poverty and misery and alienates them from government that is supposed to promote their basic interests.
在菲律宾，帝国主义全球化滋养着恶性与无休止的经济与政治危机循环。美国帝国主义为了他们的剩余商品与资本强加政策来打开菲律宾市场，因为巨额的贿赂与外国公司的共利关系，统治精英得以从贪腐中获利。从他们的本质来看，他们所实行的政策使人民沦于贫穷困苦，并把他们自己与菲国政府划分开来，尽管当地政府是为了帝国主义者们的基本利益来服务。
With mounting people’s resistance, the current ruling clique implements a heightened policy of repression which also includes adherence to the 强制性的obligatory requisites of the US-led “war on terror”.
为了打压人民的反抗，当前统治群党们实行一个依附在美国主导反恐之战更具压迫性的政策，而该政策带来种种强制性。
Fighting US imperialist globalization involves unmasking the nature of the strategic class alliances that perpetuates neocolonial relations. In order to defeat US imperialism in the Philippines, the people must unite to end the rule of the big landlords, big compradors and bureaucrat capitalists.
对抗美国帝国主义全球化需要揭露其为了延续新殖民关系所形成的策略阶级联盟本质。为了击溃菲律宾的美国帝国主义，人民必须联合以终止大地主、买办与官僚资本家的统治。
It is the Filipino peoples’ fervent hope that defeating imperialist rule in the country will bring about the further weakening of imperialism worldwide, thus contributing substantially to the international anti-imperialist struggle.#
菲律宾人民强烈的希望菲国击溃帝国主义的行动将进一步弱化世界性帝国主义，并在大程度上对全球反帝国主义斗争有所贡献。