尼泊尔毛泽东主义者开始人民战争战略反攻
2004年8月31日，尼泊尔共产党（毛泽东主义）公布:人民战争的战略反攻开始了!
这一激动人心的消息正好在尼泊尔首相德乌帕(Deuba)五天的印度之行后传来，德乌帕(Deuba)在印度的许多讨论都围绕着在美国的支持下加快印度对尼泊尔的干涉步伐。
尼共（毛泽东主义）的一份紧急声明称：发动战略反攻的决定是在最近为期十天的党中心委员会上做出的,这次会议由普拉昌达主持。会议在“农村地区的根据地，在一个被旗帜和布幔非凡装扮得漂漂亮亮的大会堂里”举行的，由“人民解放军的非凡安全警卫部队”防卫，得到了“广大人民群众的全力支持”。
尼泊尔人民战争开始于1996年，从一开始，尼共（毛泽东主义）就认为他们的革命是一场“持久战”，要经历如下阶段——从战略防御，到战略相持，到战略反攻。
毛泽东“持久人民战争”的理论认为在象尼泊尔这样的半殖民地半封建的国家里，革命军队在开始时相对于政府军队而言是弱小的，这时进行军事决战只能遭到粉粹。但通过避免决战和发动游击战争，革命军队能够在较小的战斗中打败并削弱政府军队，并能够通过持久的过程，赢得大众支持，增加力量和数量和扩大他们的控制范围。在尽可能大的农村地区建立军事控制和政治统治、建立农村革命根据地使得革命者能够从农村包围城市并最终夺取全国政权。
尼泊尔武装斗争发动后，存在着一个相当长时期的“战略防御”阶段——这时革命军队弱于敌人，必须长期地持久地在游击战争的基础上积聚力量。接着军事斗争进入“战略相持”阶段——这时双方力量相对均衡，哪一方都不能把另一方彻底消灭，战斗上升为以大规模的运动战和阵地战为特征的战争。在这个时候，尼共（毛泽东主义）分析认为：整个社会都熟悉到在这个国家存在着两个不同的政权，每个政权都拥有自己的军队和组织机构。
进入战略反攻的决定意味着尼泊尔毛泽东主义者现在决定：他们能够把彻底摧毁敌人的武装部队、夺取政权、在全国范围内建立人民的统治确立为自己的直接目标。
尼泊尔毛泽东主义者的力量现在控制了80%的农村地区，他们在那儿建立了根据地和新型人民政权。革命政府组织控制了广大农村地区，在那里新型革命机构治理着日常生活——从分田种地、教育、税收、修建公路和厕所、设立并行使人民法庭等各个方面。政府失去了对农村地区的控制是举世公认的事实。毛泽东主义者的力量也日益被城市居民感觉得到。
从8月7日开始，一周来，加德满都遭到了尼共（毛泽东主义）和联合革命人民委员会（党领导下的联合战线组织，未来人民政府的萌芽。）号召的军事封锁而陷入孤立。毛泽东主义者领导下的工会组织的罢工又关闭了全国最大的、最受人民憎恨的企业。通过关闭进入首都（拥有150万人口）的大多数交通，毛泽东主义者的力量充分显示了出来。
过去，人民解放军对县城实行封锁，尤其是在毛泽东主义者的大本营——西部地区。但这次却是他们第一次对首都实行封锁。英国广播公司报导说：“他们没有在公路上放置一个炸弹或地雷，却引起了实实在在的反晌和巨大的公众关注”。《赢得整个世界》新闻服务部报导说：“在第一天，进出城市的车辆就从数千减少至大约150，而所有这些要么是军车，要么就是在皇家军队的严密监护之下。显而易见，假如毛泽东主义者没有建立起强大的军事力量，没有严重地削弱敌人的武装力量和统治，那些最大的运输公司们是不会如此完全地服从他们的命令的。他们强加于政府和公司们的意志很显然是广大日益成长起来的人民的意志，这就是为什么没有大的军事冲突，封锁也能取得如此成功的‘秘密’。”
这次封锁和对罢工（全尼泊尔工会联盟（革命）号召发起）的广泛支持是削弱反动统治的进程的一部分，也是为城市居民的起义做预备（当党联系到成功地实行农村包围城市的战略，认为城市起义的时机已经成熟时）。在封锁期间，在加德满都谷地内东部地区四周还实行了禁运。由人民解放军第5旅组成的一支小分队还对新图巴尔恰克（Sindhupalchok）地区（也在离加德满都不远处）的皇家军队采取了行动。
当1996年人民战争发动时，他们没有人民军队。他们从5或6人装备着极简陋武器（一些单发步枪和尼泊尔弯刀）的战斗小组开始。在前5个年头，游击队通过对警所和可恨的当地反动派采取游击战，建立起了他们的战斗能力。他们能够从政府军队手中夺取武器并一步步地建立起更大的战斗组织——从排到连，后来又发展到旅和师。成功的军事行动使游击队们能够自由地扩展他们影响和威信——随着警察和反动派逃出农村地区，权力真空出现了，这使得新型“人民政权”（最终发展为新型革命政府机构领导下的根据地）的建立成为可能。
2001年，尼共（毛泽东主义）公布人民解放军成立，这反映出主要游击部队向正规革命军队的飞跃。现在，随着战略反攻的公布，党公布人民军队将发展为3个师。这意味着除了原来存在的党领导下由人民解放军组织的东西部地区的两个师外，还将在中部地区成立人民解放军的一个师——这儿座落着这个国家的首都，并集中了这个国家的经济、政治和军事力量。
除了人民解放军目前的三个师、9个旅和29个营，党公布它还将招募由100，000人组成的在人民解放军领导之下的连编制的县区级的民兵队伍。党还公布了“对广大人民群众进行地道战攻防的军事练习以防御外来入侵”的新计划。在朝鲜和越南的抗美战争中利用地道保护战士和平民和发动忽然袭击是压制敌人空军的一个重要办法。
中心委员会的文件警告了以美国为后盾的印度的直接干涉，紧急声明指出：几位尼共（毛泽东主义）领导人在印度不同城市遭到逮捕就是这种干涉的一个征兆。
当9月份尼泊尔首相德乌帕（ Deuba）带着66名随同人员访问新德里的时候，尼泊尔人民战争是最主要的议程。印度政府同意提供给尼泊尔皇家政府三架轻型高级直升机、20000支INSAS步枪、15,000支7.62毫米自动步枪、5,000支各种口径的机关枪、800辆卡车和吉普车、100辆防雷车（Mine Protected Vehicles (MPVs)）、防弹衣、头盔、地雷、铁丝网和其它战争物资。印度还将提供军事练习人员；派遣印度军队直接干涉尼泊尔的计划正在印度报纸上公开地讨论着。
根据官方联合声明，尼泊尔和印度首相还讨论了两国引渡条约的必要性，并同意在10份把这份协议签订下来。印度目前扣留着尼共（毛）的领导人Mohan Baydhya、C. P. Gajurel和其它领导人及成员。在现在，印度把他们引渡给尼泊尔还是非法的，但印度当局已经绑架过其它尼泊尔毛泽东主义者并把他们移交给皇家政府。
总部设在加德满都的日报《喜马拉雅新闻》9月10日报导说：“美国驻尼泊尔大使莫健（James F. Moriarty）今天说他们国家正与印度紧密合作以确保毛泽东主义者得不到外界的帮助、并且永远不能够接管首都。”莫健（Moriarty）还说：“印度在解决毛泽东主义者的问题上发挥着重要作用。考虑到它给尼泊尔提供的军事帮助和外交帮助，我认为他们不会容许毛泽东主义者接管加德满都。”
《南亚消息报》提及加德满都遭遇封锁的一篇评论说：“这一周来，德乌帕（Deuba）政府的软弱无能和它的执政能力暴露无遗。印度发出强有力的信号向加德满都保证他们不容许尼泊尔政权垮台。”
与此同时，美国不断加强干涉的危险也十分迫近。华盛顿正向尼泊尔提供20000支M-16s号枪，还有夜视和通讯设备以及非凡的镇压起义的军事练习。今年，美国对尼泊尔皇家政府的帮助几乎增加了一倍，从二千二百万美元到四百万美元。美国士兵还和尼泊皇家军队一起进行了联合练习。今年早些时候，《喜马拉雅时报》引用一位美国官员的话说：一个美国国会代表团正在尼泊尔，搜集尼泊尔内战和整个南亚的情报是它的部分使命。美国已把尼共（毛泽东主义）列入他们的“恐怖分子名单”——奠定了其对尼泊尔实行进一步干涉和对尼泊尔解放战争国际支持进行犯罪的基础。
尼泊尔毛泽东主义者的战略反攻意味着军事战斗水平的一次大跃进，意味着外来直接干涉危险的加剧，意味着将会导致一场决战的形势，这场决战决定谁将控制尼泊尔政权。
Nepal Maoists Open Strategic Offensive in People's War
尼泊尔毛泽东主义者开始人民战争的战略反攻
Revolutionary Worker #1254, October 10, 2004, posted at http://rwor.org
On August 31, 2004, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) announced the opening of a strategic offensive in the People's War.
2004年8月31日，尼泊尔共产党（毛泽东主义）公布:人民战争的战略反攻开始了!
This exciting news came right after Nepal's Prime Minister Deuba returned from a five-day trip to India where much of the discussion centered on stepping up Indian intervention in Nepal with the backing of the United States.
这一激动人心的消息正好在尼泊尔首相德乌帕(Deuba)五天的印度之行后传来，德乌帕(Deuba)在印度的许多讨论都围绕着加快美国支持的印度对尼泊尔的干涉步伐。
A press statement from the CPN (Maoist) said that the decision to launch the strategic offensive was made at a recent 10-day meeting of the party's Central Committee, led by Chairman Prachanda. The meeting was held "in a base area in the countryside, in a convention hall specially decorated with banners and canopies" protected by "a special security cordon of the People's Liberation Army" with "the full assistance of the broad masses of people."
尼共（毛泽东主义）的一份紧急声明称：发动战略反攻的决定是在最近为期十天的党中心委员会上做出的,这次会议由普拉昌达主持。会议在“农村地区的根据地，在一个被旗帜和布幔非凡装扮得漂漂亮亮的大会堂里”举行的，由“人民解放军的非凡安全警卫部队”防卫，得到了“广大人民群众的全力支持”。
The People's War in Nepal began in 1996 and from the very beginning, the CPN (Maoist) conceived of their revolution as a "protracted war" that goes through stages--from the strategic defensive, to strategic equilibrium, to the strategic offensive.
尼泊尔人民战争开始于1996年，从一开始，尼共（毛泽东主义）就认为他们的革命是一场“持久战”，要经历如下阶段——从战略防御，到战略相持，到战略反攻。
Mao's theory of "protracted people's war" recognized that in semi-colonial, semi-feudal countries like Nepal, the revolutionary forces start out weak and small compared to the government forces and that to engage in all- out military battles would only lead to getting crushed. But by avoiding decisive tests of strength and by waging guerrilla warfare, the revolutionary forces can defeat and weaken the government forces in smaller battles and through a protracted process, gain popular support, increase in strength and numbers, and extend their control. Building rural base areas and establishing military control and political authority in ever larger parts of the countryside allows the revolutionaries to surround the cities from the countryside and eventually seize country-wide political power.
毛泽东“持久人民战争”的理论认为在象尼泊尔这样的半殖民地半封建的国家里，革命军队在开始时相对于政府军队而言是弱小的，这时进行军事决战只能遭到粉粹。但通过避免决战和发动游击战争，革命军队能够在较小的战斗中打败并削弱政府军队，并能够通过持久的过程，赢得大众支持、增加力量和数量和扩大他们的控制范围。在尽可能大的农村地区建立军事控制和政治统治、建立农村革命根据地使得革命者能够从农村包围城市并最终夺取全国政权。
After the initiation of armed struggle in Nepal, there was a relatively long period of the "strategic defensive"--where the revolutionary forces were weaker than the enemy and had to accumulate strength over a protracted period of time on the basis of guerrilla warfare. The military struggle then reached the stage of "strategic equilibrium"--where the two sides were relatively equal, neither was able to decisively destroy the other and the fighting was increasingly characterized by larger-scale mobile and positional warfare. At this point, the CPN (Maoist) analyzed that the entire society recognized the existence of two different states in the country, each with its own army and institutions.尼泊尔武装斗争发动后，存在着一个相当长时期的“战略防御”阶段——这时革命军队弱于敌人，必须长期地持久地在游击战争的基础上积聚力量。接着军事斗争进入“战略相持”阶段——这时双方力量相对均衡，哪一方都不能把另一方彻底消灭，战斗上升为以大规模的运动战和阵地战为特征的战争。在这个时候，尼共（毛泽东主义）分析认为：整个社会都熟悉到在这个国家存在着两个不同的政权，每个政权都拥有自己的军队和组织。
The decision to enter the stage of a strategic offensive means that the Maoists in Nepal have now determined that they are able to make their immediate aim the decisive destruction of the enemy's armed forces, the seizure of power, and the establishment of the rule of the people throughout the country.
进入战略反攻的决定意味着尼泊尔毛泽东主义者现在决定：他们能够把彻底摧毁敌人的武装部队、夺取政权、在全国范围内建立人民的统治确立为自己的直接目标。
The Maoist forces in Nepal now control 80 percent of the countryside, where they have established base areas and new people's power. Revolutionary forms of government control much of the countryside--where new revolutionary institutions run daily life--from the distribution and farming of land, education, taxes, the building of roads and latrines and the running of people's courts. The fact that the government has lost control in the countryside is a widely recognized fact. And the strength of the Maoists has increasingly been felt in the cities as well.
尼泊尔毛泽东主义者的力量现在控制了80%的农村地区，他们在那儿建立了根据地和新型人民政权。革命政府组织控制了广大农村地区，在那里新型革命机构治理着日常生活——从分田种地、教育、税收、修建公路和厕所、设立并行使人民法庭等各个方面。政府失去了对农村地区的控制是举世公认的事实。毛泽东主义者的力量也日益被城市居民感觉得到。
For a week, beginning on August 7, Kathmandu was isolated by a military blockade called by the CPN (Maoist) and the United Revolutionary People's Council, the united front organization under the party's leadership that is the embryo of the future people's government. Strikes by the Maoist-led trade union also closed down the country's biggest and most hated companies. The strength of the Maoists was demonstrated by their ability to stop most vehicular traffic in and out of the nation's capital, which has a population of 1.5 million.
从8月7日开始，一周来，加德满都遭到了尼共（毛泽东主义）和联合革命人民委员会（党领导下的联合战线组织，未来人民政府的萌芽。）号召的军事封锁而陷入孤立。毛泽东主义者领导下的工会组织的罢工又关闭了全国最大的、最受人民憎恨的企业。通过关闭进入首都（拥有150万人口）的大多数交通，毛泽东主义者的力量充分显示了出来。
In the past, the PLA has enforced blockades on district capitals, especially in the western region, which has been a Maoist stronghold. But this was the first time such a blockade was imposed on the capital. The BBC reported, "They got a massive response and huge publicity without a single bomb or landmine on a highway." The World to Win News Service reported: "Traffic into and out of the capital was from several thousand vehicles a day to about 150 in the first days, and all of those were either military or under tight Royal Army escort. Certainly the Maoists could not issue an order so completely obeyed even by the biggest transport companies if they hadn't built up much military strength and badly weakened the armed forces and authority of the enemy. But the will they imposed on the government and companies was clearly that of an enormous and growing part of the people. That is the ‘secret' reason why the blockade succeeded even though there were no major military clashes."
过去，人民解放军对县城实行封锁，尤其是在毛泽东主义者的大本营——西部地区。但这次却是他们第一次对首都实行封锁。英国广播公司报导说：“他们没有在公路上放置一个炸弹或地雷，却引起了实实在在的反晌和巨大的公众关注”。《赢得整个世界》新闻服务部报导说：“在第一天，进出城市的车辆就从数千减少至大约150，而所有这些要么是军车，要么就是在皇家军队的严密监护之下。显而易见，假如毛泽东主义者没有建立起强大的军事力量，没有严重地削弱敌人的武装力量和统治，那些最大的运输公司们是不会如此完全地服从他们的命令的。他们强加于政府和公司们的意志很显然是广大日益成长起来的人民的意志，这就是为什么没有大的军事冲突，封锁也能取得如此成功的‘秘密’。”
This blockade and broad support for strikes called by the All Nepal Trade Union Federation (Revolutionary) were part of the process of weakening the reactionary regime and preparing people in the cities to rise up when the party judges the time ripe for urban insurrection in connection with successfully surrounding the cities from the countryside. During the blockade, other embargoes were carried out in nearby Eastern districts within the Kathmandu valley. And a contingent of the 5th Brigade of the People's Liberation Army took action against the Royal Army in the Sindhupalchok district, which is also not far from Kathmandu.
这次封锁和对罢工（全尼泊尔工会联盟（革命）号召发起）的广泛支持是削弱反动统治的进程的一部分，也是为城市居民的起义做预备（当党联系到成功地实行农村包围城市的战略，认为城市起义的时机已经成熟时）。在封锁期间，在加德满都谷地内东部地区四周还实行了禁运。由人民解放军第5旅组成的一支小分队还对新图巴尔恰克（Sindhupalchok）地区（也在离加德满都不远处）的皇家军队采取了行动。
When the People's War started in 1996, they did not have a People's Army. They started out with small fighting groups of five or six people, armed with very primitive weapons--some single shot rifles and Khukuri knives. Over the first five years, the guerrillas built up their fighting capacity by carrying out guerrilla actions against police posts and hated local reactionaries. They were able to capture weapons from government forces and step by step build up larger fighting units--from squads to platoons, and then later brigades and companies. Successful military actions created freedom for the guerrillas to expand their influence and authority--and as police and reactionaries were run out of villages, a power vacuum was created, making it possible for the establishment of a new "people's power" and eventually base areas under the control of new revolutionary government institutions.
当1996年人民战争发动时，他们没有人民军队。他们从5或6人装备着极简陋武器（一些单发步枪和尼泊尔弯刀）的战斗小组开始。在前5个年头，游击队通过对警所和可恨的当地反动派采取游击战，建立起了他们的战斗能力。他们能够从政府军队手中夺取武器并一步步地建立起更大的战斗组织——从排到连，后来又发展到旅和师。成功的军事行动使游击队们能够自由地扩展他们影响和威信——随着警察和反动派逃出农村地区，权力真空出现了，这使得新型“人民政权”（最终发展为新型革命政府机构领导下的根据地）的建立成为可能。
In 2001 the CPN (Maoist) announced the establishment of the People's Liberation Army, which reflected a leap from mainly guerrilla forces to a regular revolutionary army. Now, with the announcement of the strategic offensive, the party has announced that the People's Army will grow to three divisions. This means that in addition to the previously existing Eastern and Western divisions organised by the PLA under the party's leadership, there will be a PLA division in the country's central region--which is where the regime's capital is located and its economic, political and military power is focused.
2001年，尼共（毛泽东主义）公布人民解放军成立，这反映出主要游击部队向正规革命军队的飞跃。现在，随着战略反攻的公布，党公布人民军队将发展为3个师。这意味着除了原来存在的党领导下由人民解放军组织的东西部地区的两个师外，还将在中部地区成立人民解放军的一个师——这儿座落着这个国家的首都，并集中了这个国家的经济、政治和军事力量。
In addition to the PLA's current three divisions, nine brigades and 29 battalions the party announced that it will raise a people's militia of 100,000 members organized into companies under the leadership of the PLA at the district and regional level. The party also announced a new plan "to provide defensive and offensive training to the broad masses of people to fight tunnel warfare against foreign intervention." In the wars against the U.S. in Korea and Vietnam, the use of tunnels to protect soldiers and civilians and
spring surprise attacks was an important way of neutralizing enemy air power.
除了人民解放军目前的三个师、9个旅和29个营，党公布它还将招募由100，000人组成的在人民解放军领导之下的连编制的县区级的民兵队伍。党还公布了“对广大人民群众进行地道战攻防的军事练习以防御外来入侵”的新计划。在朝鲜和越南的抗美战争中利用地道保护战士和平民和发动忽然袭击是压制敌人空军的一个重要办法。
Documents from the Central Committee meeting warned of direct intervention by India, backed by the United States and the press statement pointed to the arrest of several leading comrades of the CPN (Maoist) in different cities in India as one sign of this.
中心委员会的文件警告了以美国为后盾的印度的直接干涉，紧急声明指出：几位尼共（毛泽东主义）领导人在印度不同城市遭到逮捕就是这种干涉的一个征兆。
When Nepal's Prime Minister Deuba went to New Delhi in September, along with a 66-member entourage, the People's War in Nepal was the main item on the agenda. The Indian government agreed to give the Nepali royal regime three light advanced helicopters, 20,000 INSAS rifles, 15,000 7.62 mm Self-Loading Rifles (SLR), 5,000 machine guns of various calibers, 800 trucks and jeeps, 100 Mine Protected Vehicles (MPVs), bullet-proof jackets, helmets, land mines, barbed wire and other war material. India will also provide military trainers and the idea of sending Indian troops to intervene directly in Nepal is being openly debated in the Indian press.
当9月份尼泊尔首相德乌帕（ Deuba）带着66名随同人员访问新德里的时候，尼泊尔人民战争是最主要的议程。印度政府同意提供给尼泊尔皇家政府三架轻型高级直升机、20000支INSAS步枪、15,000支7.62毫米自动步枪、5,000支各种口径的机关枪、800辆卡车和吉普车、100辆防雷车（Mine Protected Vehicles (MPVs)）、防弹衣、头盔、地雷、铁丝网和其它战争物资。印度还将提供军事练习人员；派遣印度军队直接干涉尼泊尔的计划正在印度报纸上公开地讨论着。
According to an official joint statement, the Nepali and Indian prime ministers also discussed the need for an extradition treaty between the two countries and agreed to finalize it in October. India is currently holding CPN(M) leaders Mohan Baydhya, C. P. Gajurel and other leaders and members. At this time it is illegal for India to extradite them to Nepal, but Indian authorities have already kidnapped other Nepali Maoists and handed them over to the royal regime.
根据官方联合声明，尼泊尔和印度首相还讨论了两国引渡条约的必要性，并同意在10份把这份协议签订下来。印度目前扣留着尼共（毛）的领导人Mohan Baydhya、C. P. Gajurel和其它领导人及成员。在现在，印度把他们引渡给尼泊尔还是非法的，但印度当局已经绑架过其它尼泊尔毛泽东主义者并把他们移交给皇家政府。
The Kathmandu-based daily Himalayan News Service reported on September 10: "The U.S. Ambassador to Nepal, James F. Moriarty, today said his country was working closely with India to ensure that Maoists do not get outside help and are never able to take over the capital." Moriarty also said, "India has a big role to play in resolving the Maoist problem. Considering the military assistance and diplomatic help it has provided to Nepal, I conclude that Maoists will not be allowed to take over Kathmandu."
总部设在加德满都的日报《喜马拉雅新闻》9月10日报导说：“美国驻尼泊尔大使莫健（James F. Moriarty）今天说他们国家正与印度紧密合作以确保毛泽东主义者得不到外界的帮助、并且永远不能够接管首都。”莫健（Moriarty）还说：“印度在解决毛泽东主义者的问题上发挥着重要作用。考虑到它给尼泊尔提供的军事帮助和外交帮助，我认为他们不会容许毛泽东主义者接管加德满都。”
One commentary in South Asia Intelligence Reports , referring to the blockade on Kathmandu, said: "That week exposed the vulnerability of the Deuba Government and its capacity to govern. India sent strong signals to assure Kathmandu that it would not allow the Nepalese state to collapse."
《南亚消息报》提及加德满都遭遇封锁的一篇评论说：“这一周来，德乌帕（Deuba）政府的软弱无能和它的执政能力暴露无遗。印度发出强有力的信号向加德满都保证他们不容许尼泊尔政权垮台。”
Meanwhile, the threat of increased intervention by the United States is very real. Washington is supplying Nepal with 20,000 M-16s, as well as night-vision and communication equipment, and special-forces counterinsurgency training. U.S. aid to the Nepalese royal regime has almost doubled, from $22 million to $40 million this year. American soldiers have been conducting joint training exercises in Nepal with the Royal Nepalese Army. Earlier this year, the Himalayan Times quoted an American official who said that a U.S. Congressional delegation was in Nepal as part of a mission to collect information about the country's civil war and the whole of South Asia. And the U.S. has put the CPN (Maoist) on their "terrorist list"--laying the basis for even more intervention and the criminalization of international support for the struggle in Nepal.
与此同时，美国不断加强干涉的危险也十分迫近。华盛顿正向尼泊尔提供20000支M-16s号枪，还有夜视和通讯设备以及非凡的镇压起义的军事练习。今年，美国对尼泊尔皇家政府的帮助几乎增加了一倍，从二千二百万美元到四百万美元。美国士兵还和尼泊皇家军队一起进行了联合练习。今年早些时候，《喜马拉雅时报》引用一位美国官员的话说：一个美国国会代表团正在尼泊尔，搜集尼泊尔内战和整个南亚的情报是它的部分使命。美国已把尼共（毛泽东主义）列入他们的“恐怖分子名单”——奠定了其对尼泊尔实行进一步干涉和对尼泊尔解放战争国际支持进行犯罪的基础。
A strategic offensive by the Maoists in Nepal will mean a big jump in the level of military battles, the danger of direct foreign intervention and a situation that could lead to a decisive struggle over who will hold political power in Nepal.
尼泊尔毛泽东主义者的战略反攻意味着军事战斗水平的一次大跃进，意味着外来直接干涉危险的加剧，意味着将会导致一场决战的形势，这场决战决定谁将控制尼泊尔政权。
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