阿共(毛)提议召开会议,筹建一个新的马列毛国际组织

 

 

 

A Proposal for a Conference to Build a New MLM International Organisation

 

The devastations of imperialist globalisation, wars of aggression and the shattering economic crisis of the imperialist system and its impact on proletarians and the broad masses have awakened worldwide a wave of struggles and revolts.


In this context a potential new wave of the world proletarian revolution develops and emerges, with the people's wars led by Maoist parties as its reference points and strategic anchor. The realisation of this potential ultimately depends on how successful the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties are in fulfilling their revolutionary tasks at national and international level. The pooling of their understanding and experience and the development of their capacity to take a united revolutionary message to the rebellious masses all over the world, have decisive importance. Unfortunately there has been a lag in this matter. This is severely compounded by the crisis in the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM), which is now defunct.


In this situation steps need to be taken to work for the building of an effective international MLM organization that can aid the fulfilment of revolutionary tasks and take the collective voice of the Maoists to the proletariat and struggling peoples. Therefore, we should move towards holding a new conference of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and organizations throughout the world. This conference should take up the task of building an international organization based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.


It is appropriate that this task should be informed by the positive and negative experiences of RIM, given its experience in building and functioning as an international organisation during its nearly three decades of existence. As part of the work for the conference and the building of an international organization we need a summation worked out by all the parties and organization which has been part of this experience. Here we put forward some preliminary views.

  1. Following Mao Zedong’s death in 1976, the Chinese revisionists seized political power through a military coup d’état, thus causing the Communist Party of China (CPC) to degenerate into a revisionist party––overthrowing proletarian political power, bringing down socialism, and transforming revolutionary China into reactionary China. Moreover, the emergence of the Hoxhaite revisionist line in the Party of Labour of Albania, influenced a certain number of communist parties and organizations throughout the world, and ended up producing a serious assault on the international communist movement.

Despite this context of defeat, some Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations, that did not follow either the Chinese or Hoxhaite variants of revisionism, though few in number, held the first international conference of Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations in 1980 and passed a Joint Communiqué, ACalltotheProletariatandtheOppressedPeoplesoftheWorld. Although this conference did not result in the creation of a stable international organization it prepared the ground for a second international conference in 1984.


The formation of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM) in this second conference of 1984 was a positive international, theoretical and practical endeavour that responded to the ideological, political and organizational needs and necessities of the international communist movement in the circumstances of a period defined by the crisis that had engulfed the communist movement following the defeat of the Chinese revolution.


The DeclarationoftheRevolutionaryInternationalistMovement that was passed at this conference - on the basis of Marxism-Leninism- Maoism (Mao Zedong Thought as it was then termed) and a principled opposition to the modern Russian and Chinese revisionism (as well as the Hoxhaite dogmato-revisionism) - provided a basic ideological-political framework for the foundation of the movement .

  1. In its past three decades of struggles the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement, since it was based on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, achieved important theoretical and practical gains that were principled and worthy of further development. The documents passed in the international conferences and the expanded meetings of RIM (like theDeclarationoftheRevolutionaryInternationalistMovement, LongLiveMarxism-Leninism-Maoism, andtheMillenniumResolution), despite some of their deficiencies and shortcomings, were all important theoretical contributions to the advancement of the Movement, as part of the international communist movement. The internationalist support to the people’s war in Peru and PCP, including the historical campaign in defence of Dr: Abimael Guzman, the contribution and support for the start and continuation of the people’s war in Nepal for its ten years, the publishing of the journal AWorldToWin in several languages that allowed to make known ideological and political understandings and analysis of the Movement and its parties and organizations in different countries, and statements issued have been notable features of the role played by the RIM in the international communist movement.
  2. In spite of its positive aspects, our Movement could not fulfill its tasks and entered a crisis. When revisionism of the Bob Avakian’s post-MLM 'new synthesis' variety became dominant in the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA and the Prachanda-Bhattarai variety became dominant in the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), not only did these parties deviate from the path of revolution and communism, but the destructive and disparaging effects of their counter-revolutionary lines negatively affected the parties and organizations within RIM, specifically the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), in an extensive and profound manner. These are the immediate ideological sources that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM.
  3. The founding conference of the RIM had recognised the necessity of building a new communist international of a new type. To realize this, the Declaration of the RIM correctly identified the twin tasks of evolving ‘a general line and a correct and viable organisational form, conforming to the complex reality of the present-day world and the challenges it poses.’
  4. The interim committee – conceived as an embryonic political center - was formed with the task of working for the process of furthering the ideological, political and organisational unity of communists, including the preparation of a draft proposal for a general line for the communist movement. But this task was not fulfilled by the Corim and the RIM could not reach this goal.
  5. In the experience of RIM, the existence of such a center, formed for enabling a consistent and unified role for this Movement gave mixed results. There have been good results. There have also been serious lapses, hegemonic tendencies in functioning that negated the collectiveness that was the RIM, sorely undermined its unity, hindered the incorporation of more MLM parties and thus blocked the fulfilment of the tasks it had set for itself.

The new international organization should have an executive centre, whose internal life and methods correspond to the stage and methods shared by the political parties and forces that give life to this organization. It should function with the competency and commitment to work within the framework of the decisions and agreements of the international organization as decided in its conferences and other meetings. As in all other matters, here too, the consistent defence, application and development of MLM and the fulfilment of their own internationalist tasks and obligations by the individual parties are the ultimate guarantee.


We propose to hold an international conference in order to reactivate and reorganize an international organization. In order to achieve this aim a process of ideological, political debate must be carried out. As part of preparation of this conference we aim to organise a seminar on “Summation of Experiences of Rim, ICML, and other International Initiatives.”


Through this process the points of unity and differences can be identified and a relatively advanced platform can be arrived at, to become the basis of a new international unity concretised in a new international organisation. In the current circumstances, the execution of this revolutionary responsibility can demonstrate a practical expression of the internationalist communist slogan, “workers and oppressed peoples of the world unite.” It is this that will allow the MLM communist parties to establish and develop Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, realize a new unity of the international communist movement, place it at the van of worldwide people’s struggles and fully unleash and realize the potential new wave of world revolution.

With revolutionary greetings

 

http://www.sholajawid.org/update/index_english.html

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[ 本帖最后由 红色翻译 于 2012-12-8 05:10 编辑 ]

 

2012年5月1日(RIM)特别会议通过的两个文件之一

翻译:天共言

 

目前形势要求我们必须采取措施,建立一个有效的马列毛主义共产党的国际组织。这个组织能够有助于实现革命的任务,把马列毛主义者共同的声音传达给全世界的无产阶级及斗争中的人民大众。因此,我们建议召开一次新的马列毛主义党和组织的国际会议并在这个会议上建立一个在马列毛主义基础上的新的共产国际。

 

为了实现建立新国际的任务,我们认为对存在了近三十年的“国际革命运动”(RIM)的正面的及负面的经验进行总结并交流是适当的,为此我们提出如下的初步看法:1976年毛泽东同志逝世,接着中国的修正主义者通过政变,夺取了政权,由此导致中国共产党蜕化为一个修正主义的党—推翻了无产阶级专政,打垮了社会主义,把一个革命的中国变成了一个反动的中国。另外,阿尔巴尼亚劳动党内又出现了霍查的修正主义路线,对世界上一定数量的共产党产生了影响。最后出现了一场对国际共产主义运动猛烈攻击的浪潮。

 

尽管在社会主义暂时失败的情况下,一些马列主义的党和组织,既没有追随中国的修正主义,也没有追随阿尔巴尼亚变形的修正主义,在1980年召开了第一次国际会议并通过了一个联合公告“致全世界无产阶级和被压迫人民的号召书”。这次会议虽然没有成立固定的国际组织,但却为1984年第二次会议的召开打下了基础,正是这次会议上成立了“国际革命运动”(RIM),对国际革命的理论与实践都有积极的意义。在中国革命失败,国际共运有遭吞没的危险时刻,RIM这个组织是完全必要的。在这次大会上还通过了一个RIM“宣言”,制定了对待俄罗斯和中国现代修正主义及阿尔巴尼亚教条主义修正主义的原则立场,为国际共运提供了理论上和政治上的框架。RIM成立近三十年来所取得的理论和实践方面的成就原则上是值得继承和进一步发展的。它在多次的国际会议及扩大会议上通过的若干文件如“宣言”,“马列毛主义万岁”等,虽有些不足或缺点,但对于运动的发展仍具有重要的理论贡献。RIM曾对秘鲁共产党及其领导的人民战争,给以国际援助;对尼泊尔长达十年人民战争的发起与继续,给予过捐助和支持;还用多种语言出版了报纸“赢得一个世界”,传播了运动的思想及各个马列毛主义共产党的活动情况。RIM尽管有上述的积极方面,但它没有完成其历史使命而步入危机

 

实践证明RIM的存在产生了两种后果:一种是成绩;一种是失误,即近年来其组织内的少数几个共产党内出现了新的修正主义路线,在其活动中否定了集体领导,出现了霸权式的倾向,严重的损害RIM的团结,阻碍着更多的马列毛主义党加入RIM,它已不能完成其自身承当的任务并已处于名存实亡的状态。为此,我们建议召开一次国际会议,重建新的共产国际。

 

在当今的国际形势下,实现国际共产主义运动的口号——全世界工人阶级和被压迫人民团结起来,这是我们马列毛主义者的革命责任。

帝国主义没有未来,未来属于共产主义!

 

 

[ 本帖最后由 红色翻译 于 2012-12-8 05:11 编辑 ]

 

翻译也遗漏了一些重要信息,如

 

  1. In spite of its positive aspects, our Movement could not fulfill its tasks and entered a crisis. When revisionism of the Bob Avakian’s post-MLM 'new synthesis' variety became dominant in the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA and the Prachanda-Bhattarai variety became dominant in the United Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), not only did these parties deviate from the path of revolution and communism, but the destructive and disparaging effects of their counter-revolutionary lines negatively affected the parties and organizations within RIM, specifically the Committee of RIM (CoRIM), in an extensive and profound manner. These are the immediate ideological sources that have led to the current crisis and collapse of the RIM.

尽管它(RIM)有积极的方面,但我们的运动不能满足我们的任务并陷入了一个危机。当鲍勃.阿瓦基安的post-MLM(后马列毛主义?)“新综合理论”的修正主义主导美国革命共产党,普拉昌达-巴塔拉伊修正主义主导了尼联共(毛)之后,不仅这些政党偏离了革命和共产主义的道路,而它们的反革命路线的破坏性效果也消极地影响了RIM内的其它政党,特别是革命国际主义运动委员会CoRIM。

 

 

 

 

 

 

美革共的网站(http://revcom.us/)进行了改版,现在重点宣传鲍勃.阿瓦基安及他的“新综合理论”

 

 

[ 本帖最后由 红色翻译 于 2012-12-8 05:41 编辑 ]

 

 

毛主义政治经济学家雷蒙德.罗塔在哈佛大学的一次演讲

http://www.chinasoe.com.cn/theory/eco/2012-07-18/3509.html

http://book.wyzxsx.com/article.php?id=1155

 

原题:你们所知道的有关共产主义的一切都是错的,资本主义已失败,革命是出路

 

 

5、鲍勃.阿瓦基安的共主主义新综合理论可以使人们在当今世界的社会主义革命中走得更远,做得更好。
鲍勃.阿瓦基安的共产主义新综合
这是我这次演讲的最后一个部分:鲍勃.阿瓦基安的共产主义新综合理论如何能使人类在当今世界的共产主义革命中走得更远、做得更好。
鲍勃.阿瓦基安认为,我们不仅要坚持第一波社会主义革命伟大胜利的经验,而且也要说明它的问题并深入这些问题。我们必须深入了解这些革命的问题出自哪里,以及我们如何才能做得更好。我们必须严格审视无产阶级革命的历史经验,不仅审视它的错误与负面作用,也审视它的成就与突破。这不仅是因为我们不害怕真理,而且因为我们渴求真理。
在讨论这些时,我将引用鲍勃.阿瓦基安著作中的一些观点,这些著作包括《艺术文化与科学哲学观察》、《继续革命,解放人类》[30]等。
鲍勃.阿瓦基安认真深入分析了苏联革命与中国文革的历史经验。
在1930年代的后期,德国进攻的危险与日俱增,苏联开始了全社会的战争动员,政治与文化生活变得越来越受限制、越来越僵化。[31]
在中国的文革期间,许多艺术家、知识分子不能从事他们自己的工作。革命样板作品是很不错的东西。工人农民们的艺术盛极一时,之前由于他们身处资本主义社会,他们被排除在艺术圈之外。但一门心思发展革命样板作品、让群众从事艺术带来了一个问题,这排除了太多的其它艺术形式。这管得太紧了。[32]
我们必须做得更好。
说得清楚一些就是:社会主义国家权力的成就是巨大的。让反革命夺权将不仅是对革命群众牺牲的背叛,也是对整个世界希望的背叛。
革命必须牢牢掌权,而且应确保这种权力必须值得维继:它必须真正地革命、解放。为建成一个新世界,一种新的国家权力与先锋队的全面领导是绝不可少的。
阿瓦基安说的是,在社会主义社会中必须有一个“坚强的核心”——这个核心以实现共产主义、解放全人类为原则,并在这基础上掌权。这对于沿着正确的道路迈向一个不再需要任何组织领导的社会是绝对必要的。
在这个坚强核心的基础上,也需要“最大的弹性”:热情与争论,新事物的涌现,大量新的、无法预料到的事物在社会中的“沸腾”。领导者们在进行全局指导的同时,必须从所有这些中学习经验,以使这种弹性能更有利于加快共产主义建设进程。
这是一个理解上与视野上的突破。它要求领导者们在某些重要关键方面的领导必须不同于之前社会主义社会的理解与实践。
革命必须设定条件。但这不能以抑制不同意见、窒息个人的丰富表达或为社会的广大中间层套上笼头为代价。我们知道,如果社会没有大的跃升,如果没有经验、发现、洞察的深刻的相互影响,没有开辟出变革的新道路,就不可能实现共产主义。
第六部分:新综合与社会主义社会中知识分子的热情与异议
鲍勃.阿瓦基安对社会主义社会中知识分子的工作和热情的重要性有新的理解与评价。这必须在一个资本主义社会无法想像的范围内发生。同时你还必须克服这样一种情形,只有相对少数的一些人能从事“脑力劳动”,你必须给知识分子、艺术家与科学家们活动范围和活动空间。
知识分子有他们的观点与态度,这种态度起源于他们在阶级社会中相对优越的地位及与群众的相对隔离,这必须去斗争。但社会中的每个人,包括底层的那些人,都受到资产阶级思想的影响,这也必须去斗争。每个人都在想,是否我们在说,工人可能又尊敬又憎恨知识分子,或者知识分子与专家学者看不起群众……,每个人都必须改变自己的思想。这是成为人类解放者的一部分。
正确处理这些是一个巨大的挑战。因为共产主义革命的目标是消除阶级社会里劳动者的压迫性社会分化。但要做到这些,应该明白,知识与科学热情对追求真理很重要,应增加人类知识的积累,使人民群众能深刻地了解世界、改造世界。
此外,知识活动的探索、质疑特点有利于社会活力的增加及批判、探索精神的形成,这应遍布在整个社会主义社会中。这是解决克服社会问题与缺点的过程的一部分。这种热情有利于在整个社会中形成对社会政策、组织、方针与领导进行辩论与质询的气氛。
社会主义社会将发展马克思主义。但不能把马克思主义当成全民都必须赞同的“官方意识形态”。以前的社会主义社会中有过这个问题。马克思主义必须在一种与其它知识潮流、论述的相互作用、斗争的氛围中得到发展并因此丰富自己。而且人们最终都将接受马克思主义。
异议与弹性
阿瓦基安提出的这种社会主义模式特别强调在社会主义社会中不仅必要而且应该培养异议、抗议与论战。社会主义必须充满发现与大变动。如果你控制得太死,如果人们仅只抬着头看,或因害怕犯错而“看他们说什么”,你就不可能做到这些。
人们常问,“你们今天鼓动抗议,但社会主义大学怎么样,那里会有学生运动和抗议吗?” 我的回答是,“是的,那时有!”社会主义大学必须有沸腾的范围广泛的知识争论与异议、抗议与论战,它们将,是的,导致分裂。我们谈论的是一个充满了远超资本主义社会中的争论与抗议的社会。
你们知道,作为本次巡回演讲的一部分,我发表了一封公开信并向Jeffrey Sachs发起辩论挑战。他在哥伦比亚大学教书,是一个他自己所谓的“自觉资本主义”的热情鼓吹者。他激烈反共,认为只有市场才能确保自由。像他这样的人,或像纳奥米.克莱恩这样的社会批评家,以及Roderick MacFarquhars,在社会主义社会中必须且将有能力来广泛地阐述、宣传与辩护他们的观点。作为理解与改变世界的斗争的一部分,这些观点在社会中将有巨大争论。没有这种热情我们就不能实现共产主义。
我来谈一谈阿瓦基安新综合的另一方面。在总结了苏联列宁、斯大林与中国毛泽东时期的社会主义革命历史经验后,阿瓦基安指出了一个特别的问题。是的,对社会主义社会来说,在从发起从父权下解放妇女的斗争到环境危机的紧急处理等问题上有明确的重点是关键的、必要的。对领导者们来说,制定政策,让人民明白必须让一切按全局方向往共产主义前进,为使革命继续向前而坚决斗争,是关键的、必要的。
但这也必须以一种新的方式被理解。是的,社会主义社会必须在总体方向上向共产主义前进。但人们也应能追求他们的梦想。并能以各种不同的、创新的方法来为实现梦想而努力。不管是艺术家、科学家,还是人民群众。
这不是不想创造一个新的、解放的世界。这种“弹性”是建成那样一个世界的动力的一个重要组成部分。只有通过所有可能的辩论,反复研究出对错,根据自身经验,发现新东西,犯错,反省,放松,人们才能对社会有真实的理解。
还有另一个充满危险的巨大挑战。你还得不但允许且还要鼓励各种各样混乱的、无法预料到的方向上的事物;在这样做的时候你还不能失去你的优势与权力。不要犯错,帝国主义者与反革命们时刻试图恢复旧秩序。反革命活跃的有组织的破坏颠覆新社会的尝试是事实。你不能实现共产主义,除非社会有热情与实验、异议与抗议,这也是事实。社会主义社会的宪法与法律构架必须反映这种认识并作必要的区别。
阿瓦基安的新综合中所强调的是,知识分子的热情与异议不但有利于对社会的更新更深的认识,而且有利于开启新的道路,到达没有阶级的社会,而且,很重要的是,这对增强人们的能力、使其能更自觉自愿地改造社会、改造自身的过程相当重要。
 
 
 

 

 

雷蒙德.罗塔10月7日在纽约占领华尔街发表的一个演讲的速记稿

http://lmy380619.blog.163.com/blog/static/94753711201192112646182/

 

 

 

 

雷蒙德.罗塔,似曾相识啊,《Maoist Economics and the Revolutionary Road to Communism》,这本书和他有关

 

http://mao.bu1917.info/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=9557

 


 

 

 

“美革共”被称作美国国内目前最大的“毛主义”组织。它是受我国“文革”影响成立的,党刊名为《革命》(周报)。该组织的前身是1968年由美国一些青年学生在加利福尼亚州建立的“湾区革命联盟”(BARU)。1971年,“湾区革命联盟”召开全国代表大会,改称“革命联盟”(RU),1975年9月,“革命联盟”又改称“革命共产党”(RCP)。该党成立之初,有党员近1000人,1977年最鼎盛时达到2000人左右。

 

1978年前后,主要因为对中国问题看法上的分歧,“美革共”发生分裂,成员逐渐减少。到上世纪80年代末,党员人数大约只有成立时的一半。根据有关资料,近年来,“美革共”的党员有所增加,在20来个城市设有支部。该党自建立后,总部一直设在芝加哥。该党的创建人之一罗伯特·阿瓦基安,1943年出生。

 

1979年初邓小平访美时,“美革共”还在党主席阿瓦基安的带领导下,在华盛顿等地举行反对邓小平访美的示威游行。阿瓦基安因此遭美国政府逮捕,后被驱逐出美国。

 

现任领导人是鲍勃·阿瓦基安(Bob Avakian)

 

 

疑问:鲍勃·阿瓦基安和罗伯特·阿瓦基安是什么关系?

 

 

 

More About Bob Avakian

http://revcom.us/avakian/ba-more-about-bob-avakian-en.html

 

 

 

 

貌似是一个人

无非两类矛盾:人民内部矛盾和敌我矛盾。对待人民内部矛盾应该耐心说服,对待敌我矛盾呢?!一方面要压制,这是指不能让它大范围扩散,另一方面仍然要耐心说服,这是指面对具体的个人,这要求说服者有深厚的唯物辩证水平以及正确的态度。革命不能光是暴风骤雨,和风细雨也是必须的。