Open letter of the Syrian Revolutionary left to support the Syrian popular revolution!



天之左、安德烈 翻译; 安德烈 审校; Liberation 提供素材


[The views and voice of the Syrian revolutionary left has been difficult to hear amidst the clamor of contending distortions by international media--whether Western, Russian, Chinese, or from within the Middle East.  We are seeking more information from popular secular forces involved in the uprising--including more information about the revolutionary left forces.  The following is an important statement and analysis by the Revolutionary Left in Syria, detailing the role and relations of the various forces within Syria and of the world imperialist and regional forces who have been attempting to seize control of the uprising. We will report further materials confirming and contextualizing this, as they become available.  --  Frontlines ed.]


“The major Western imperialists powers, and other world imperialist powers such as Russia and China, as well as regional ones such as Iran and Turkey, in their entirety and without exception, continue to try to implement a Yemeni-type solution in Syria – in other words, to cut off the head of the regime, the dictator Bashar Al Assad, while keeping its structure intact, as was witnessed during meetings between U.S. and Russian officials, or at the international conference in June 30 in Geneva. The only sticking point is the Russian position of still trying by all means to keep Assad in power, but Russia may sacrifice this in the near future to protect its interests in Syria. The United States in turn has repeatedly expressed its desire to preserve the structure of the military and security services intact.”  – from the Open Letter of the Syrian Revolutionary left.


September 24, 2012



 [在国际媒体——无论是来自西方、俄罗斯、中国或是中东的媒体——争先歪曲事实的喧嚣声中,难以听到叙利亚革命左翼的立场和声音。我们正在寻找更多关于参与起义中的,来自现实人民力量的信息,其中大多是来自革命左翼力量的信息。下文是来自叙利亚革命左翼的一个重要的声明和分析,详细分析了那些意图掌控人民起义的角色和关系,包括叙利亚本国的、世界帝国主义的及地方势力的。一旦有可使用的新材料,我们会作出进一步报道。      ——前线网编辑]


“主要西方帝国主义的列强,以及其他帝国主义势力如俄国、中国,同样地还有我们这里的伊朗、土耳其等,不出意外会联合起来用也门那样的解决方式处理叙利亚问题——换句话说,取缔现政权的领导者,即独裁者巴尔沙·阿萨德,同时又保持现政权形式不变,美俄高官会议以及6月30日的日内瓦会议(译者注:6月30日于瑞士日内瓦举行了叙利亚问题国际会议)证实了这一点。唯一的分歧是俄方仍试图通过各种手段保留阿萨德,但俄国或许也会为了保护其在叙利亚的利益而牺牲阿萨德。相应地,美国则反复表明希望叙利亚军事结构以及安全部门保持不变。” ——节选自《叙利亚革命左派的公开信》




The resistance of the Syrian people has not ceased to grow since the revolutionary process began in March 2011. The struggle of the Syrian people is part of the popular struggles in Tunisia and Egypt, which has spread to other countries in the region.




Similarly, the Syrian revolutionary process is part of the global anti-capitalist struggles. The “Indignados” or “occupied” movements and occupations have taken their inspiration from the Arab revolutions. More than 700 cities in over 70 countries have resonated and for some still resonate of slogans and demands of a movement that demonstrates against poverty and the power of finance. In the same time, the resistance of the Greek people against the dictates imposed by financial agencies and notations is also a battle for dignity and social justice, but also the emancipation against the capitalist order and not its submission, joining the struggles of the peoples of the region.




The Syrian uprising, arising out of the global financial and economic crisis is also a revolt against the neoliberal policies imposed by the authoritarian regime, and encouraged by international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB).




The neoliberal policies were used to dismantle and to weaken increasingly the public services in the country, to the removal of subsidies, especially for basic necessities, while accelerating the privatization process, often in favor of the ruling and bourgeois classes linked to the political power.




The neoliberal reforms of the regime have encouraged a policy based on the reception and the welcoming of foreign direct investment, the development of exports and of the service sector, especially tourism. The repressive apparatus of this country has served as a “security agent” for these companies, protecting them of all disorders or social demands. This State has played the role of matchmaker for foreign capital and multinationals, while ensuring the enrichment of a bourgeois class linked to the regime.




The ills and consequences of these neoliberal policies in Syria are numerous. This includes the high rate of unemployment, particularly among young university graduates who cannot find opportunities in an economy now focused on low value-added jobs, and where skilled labor is scarce, or characterized by underemployment, a direct consequence of these measures.




The process of economic liberalization has created greater inequality in Syria. The poorest are struggling to get by because of a lack of employment opportunities, while the “middle class” is plummeting to poverty because their income did not follow the inflation, which rose to 17% in 2008. The unemployment rate was up to 20-25% before the beginning of the revolution, reaching 55% for the less than 25 years old (in a country where people under 30 are 65% of the total population). The percentage of Syrians living under the poverty line increased from 11% in 2000 to 33% in 2010 according to official figures. To this we must add that another 30% of the Syrian population was living around the poverty line, that is to say, with less than $ 2 per day.




In agriculture, the privatization of land suffered by hundreds of thousands of farmers in the northeast of the country due to the droughts in 2008 should not be seen as simply a natural disaster. Indeed, the growth and intensification of the exploitation of land use by large agricultural entrepreneurs (agribusiness), including land previously held for grazing, as well as the illegal drilling of wells and the establishment of selective water pipes fulfilling the requirements of new landlords – all facilitated by the corruption of the local government – have increased the agricultural crisis.




The economic liberalization’s policy of the regime almost reproduces the socio-economic situation prevailing before the Baathists took power in 1963: 5% of the population owns more than 50% of the national income.




Privatization processes have created new monopolies in the hands of people close to the regime being actually an integral part of the system of corruption and benefiting mainly the ruling class: the family Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad. The latter would have accumulated more than 50% of the Syrian economic wealth.




Proletarian and exploited class struggle



The largest section of the Syrian revolutionary movement is issued of the proletariat and the rural and urban “middle class” who have been economically marginalized by the implementation of neoliberal policies, especially since the arrival to power of Bashar al-Assad in July 2000. It is this component of the current revolution that has joined armed groups of the Free Syrian Army (FSA).




Workers have also been target of the repression.  Successful campaigns of general strikes and civil disobedience in Syria during the period December 2011 paralyzing large parts of the country also shows the activism of the working class and the exploited who are indeed the heart of the Syrian revolution. For this reason, the dictatorship has laid off more than 85,000 workers from January 2011 to February 2012, and closed 187 factories (according to official figures), to break the dynamics of protest.




Universities have also been centers of popular resistance. The University of Aleppo has witnessed massive demonstrations of students in May and previously as well. They were violently suppressed by the security forces who killed four people and arrested hundreds of others in May. Today not one week passes without the voices and chants from students of Damascus University are heard at the presidential palace only hundreds of meters away or demonstrations are witnessed in Deraa and Deir Al-Zur universities. Aleppo University suspended classes out of fear of the youth revolution, while bullets have outnumbered books at Homs University.




The students represent a quarter of all the martyrs in Syria since the beginning of the revolution in March 2011, according to the Syria Free Students Union (SFSU), which was founded on September 29, 2011 to struggle against the regime and to be a democratic, political and syndicalistic station in the life of the free Syrian students’ movement.




The popular movement is still active



The popular movement in Syria has not withdrawn from the streets, universities and workplaces despite the crackdown and multifaceted regime’s violence, both political and military. More than 40,000 martyrs have fallen under the criminal and repressive Assad regime since the start of the uprising, while more than 200,000 have been arrested, 30,000 more people find themselves imprisoned and 65,000 disappeared. We must add to this sad news about 2.5 million people displaced inside the country and some 300,000 refugees in neighboring countries.




However, the movement continues its struggle against the regime. The main forms of organizations have been through population coordination committees at the level of villages, neighborhoods, cities and regions. These popular coordination committees are the real spearhead of the popular movement mobilizing the people for demonstrations. They also developed forms of popular self-management based on the organization of the masses in the liberated areas from the yoke of the regime. Revolutionary People’s Councils, most often elected have been established to deal with liberated regions proving that it is the regime which causes anarchy and not the people.




The Syrian revolutionary process is a real popular and democratic movement that mobilizes the exploited and the oppressed classes against the capitalist elite linked to the global order – very similar to their counterparts across the Arab world. The movement began peacefully calling for reform, but the regime has responded with violence and repression in all directions. Some sections of the Syrian population then decided to organize armed resistance to defend themselves against attacks from security services and thugs, known as the shabihas of the regime.




The Syrian people’s armed resistance expresses their right to defend themselves against the repression of the regime and has allowed for the continuation of the popular resistance in some regions faced with the attacks of the regime. Some revolutionary councils were formed throughout Syria, as well as coordinating committees and armed political action. A code of good conduct, which calls for the respect for international law and against sectarianism, has also been signed by a large number of armed groups belonging to the armed popular resistance against the regime.




Composed of deserters and civilians who took up arms, the armed popular resistance has real roots in the popular insurrection.




The Syrian people continue to repeat their rejection of sectarianism, despite the regime’s attempts to light this dangerous fire which it has used in various forms since the takeover by the Assad clan in 1970. The popular movement has reaffirmed its united struggle, developing a sense of national solidarity that transcends social and ethnic and sectarian divisions.




The major Western imperialists powers, and other world imperialist powers such as Russia and China, as well as regional ones such as Iran and Turkey, in their entirety and without exception, continue to try to implement a Yemeni-type solution in Syria – in other words, to cut off the head of the regime, the dictator Bashar Al Assad, while keeping its structure intact, as was witnessed during meetings between U.S. and Russian officials, or at the international conference in June 30 in Geneva. The only sticking point is the Russian position of still trying by all means to keep Assad in power, but Russia may sacrifice this in the near future to protect its interests in Syria. The United States in turn has repeatedly expressed its desire to preserve the structure of the military and security services intact.




The great powers do actually not see any interests in the collapse of the regime. This regime has helped stabilize the borders with Israel and has worked with the Western powers repeatedly in the “war against terrorism” launched by former President George W. Bush, and in the wars against Iraq in 1991, and in 2003 the regime has participated in the “interrogation” of prisoners by the Western powers, not to mention military intervention in Lebanon in agreement with the Western powers and Israel to crush the Palestinian resistance and the Lebanese left in 1976. The neoliberal policy has accelerated extraordinary since the rise to power of Bashar al-Assad in 2000, and the regime had also opened Syria to many Western and the Gulf investors before the beginning of the revolution. These policies have plunged more than half of the population in misery and poverty.




The regional reactionary powers, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the lead, are trying to divert on their side the Syrian revolution, to lead it on the path of their own limited objectives for their own interests in the region and not those of Syrian people. The reactionary leadership of these countries wants to intervene in Syria to contain the revolutionary process and restrict the political, social and economic consequences of these revolutions. In the same time, they encourage a religious discourse and a confessional vision of the conflict, while financially supporting armed groups whose behavior is confessional in contradiction with the message of popular unity of the Syrian revolution. These reactionary powers are trying in Syria and elsewhere to prevent the spread and deepening of the revolutionary processes that threaten the established order and strive instead to put an end to it.




The Syrian people, nevertheless, resist and continue its struggle to build a new Syria. The revolution is permanent!




Permanent revolution means to oppose and overthrow the dictatorial regime of Assad while opposing global and regional imperialisms which attempt to hijack the Syrian revolutionary process for their own interests against those of the Syrian people. It is for this reason that we reject and condemn all foreign intervention in Syria, whether by the Western and Saudi/Qatari axis, or the Iranian/Russian axis that supports the regime in its repression against the popular movement and in all its financial and military capabilities.




The continuation of the revolution is also in the desire to build a free, democratic, secular and revolutionary Syria that seeks to eliminate all inequality and social discrimination, ethnic, gender and religious, to support the right to self-determination of the Kurdish people, to respect the religious and ethnic minorities, and to ensure all democratic and political freedoms.




The revolution will be permanent because it is also committed to make every effort to liberate the occupied Golan, to support the rights of the Palestinian people for the return of refugees and self-determination in the territory of historic Palestine, and to assist other peoples of the region in their struggle against their dictators and imperialism.




It is necessary that all progressive and democratic forces are support the Syrian popular movement and the Syrian revolutionary left involved in the struggle against the dictatorial regime. That is why we invite you to articulate and express clearly your support and solidarity with the Syrian revolution and the Syrian people revolting.




Viva the popular Syrian revolution



Damascus, September 23, 2012



The Syrian Revolutionary left




Email : frontline.left@yahoo.com


Blog : http://syria.frontline.left.over-blog.com/


[ 本帖最后由 红色翻译 于 2012-12-11 19:48 编辑 ]




2012-09-10 14:27

2011年,当“阿拉伯之春”(Arab Spring)波及约旦之时,一个名叫穆瓦法克?马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)的报纸专栏作家率先参与了游行,和拥护民主的抗议者一起呼吁约旦实行改革。

他曾经对2011年3月走上街头的叙利亚示威者表示支持。但是,短短几个月之后,他的态度来了个180度的大转弯,跟叙利亚总统巴沙尔?阿萨德(Bashar al-Assad)政府站在了一起。和其他很多阿拉伯知识分子一样,他说自己这样做,是因为担心这个地区的未来。

穆瓦法克?马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)在位于约旦安曼的办公室中。起初,马哈丁支持叙利亚的反抗运动,但现在,他认为叙利亚冲突已经演变成了“外部势力操控下的战争”。

8月,在位于安曼的作家联盟(Writers Union)大楼的一间办公室里接受采访时,他说,“这的确是一个腐败、不民主的极权国家,但现在的状况是,这不是叙利亚自己的战争,而是一场外部势力争夺叙利亚的战争。”


穆瓦法克·马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)在位于约旦安曼的办公室中。起初,马哈丁支持叙利亚的反抗运动,但现在,他认为叙利亚冲突已经演变成了“外部势力操控下的战争”。

马哈丁是一个著名的反对派人士,为独立的约旦日报《阿拉伯今日报》(Al-Arab Al-Yawm)撰稿,大量凭据都表明他一向支持民主。他多次因为自己的政治观点被捕,甚至还曾经被迫离开祖国,在贝鲁特和大马士革之间漂泊了十年。





马哈丁说,叙利亚境内的冲突和冷战(Cold War)颇为相似。20世纪80年代,反对派武装分子得到了来自西方的资金和军备支持,以对抗前苏联对阿富汗的控制。伊斯兰教的圣战者组织成员也是如此。




法国国家科学研究院(French National Center for Scientific Research)研究中东政治的高级研究员弗朗索瓦?比尔加(Fran?ois Burgat)称,马哈丁对叙利亚冲突的分析低估了公众反抗的力量,同时夸大了国际势力的影响。



著名的巴勒斯坦裔约旦专栏作家拉米斯?安多尼(Lamis Andoni)说, 关于叙利亚的这些冲突观点已经对约旦的民主运动造成了严重影响,引起了反对派阵营内部的分歧。