【独家翻译】叙利亚革命左翼支持叙利亚人民革命的公开信

 

 

Open letter of the Syrian Revolutionary left to support the Syrian popular revolution!

叙利亚革命左翼支持叙利亚人民革命的公开信

 

天之左、安德烈 翻译; 安德烈 审校; Liberation 提供素材

 

[The views and voice of the Syrian revolutionary left has been difficult to hear amidst the clamor of contending distortions by international media--whether Western, Russian, Chinese, or from within the Middle East.  We are seeking more information from popular secular forces involved in the uprising--including more information about the revolutionary left forces.  The following is an important statement and analysis by the Revolutionary Left in Syria, detailing the role and relations of the various forces within Syria and of the world imperialist and regional forces who have been attempting to seize control of the uprising. We will report further materials confirming and contextualizing this, as they become available.  --  Frontlines ed.]

 

“The major Western imperialists powers, and other world imperialist powers such as Russia and China, as well as regional ones such as Iran and Turkey, in their entirety and without exception, continue to try to implement a Yemeni-type solution in Syria – in other words, to cut off the head of the regime, the dictator Bashar Al Assad, while keeping its structure intact, as was witnessed during meetings between U.S. and Russian officials, or at the international conference in June 30 in Geneva. The only sticking point is the Russian position of still trying by all means to keep Assad in power, but Russia may sacrifice this in the near future to protect its interests in Syria. The United States in turn has repeatedly expressed its desire to preserve the structure of the military and security services intact.”  – from the Open Letter of the Syrian Revolutionary left.

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September 24, 2012

 

 

 [在国际媒体——无论是来自西方、俄罗斯、中国或是中东的媒体——争先歪曲事实的喧嚣声中,难以听到叙利亚革命左翼的立场和声音。我们正在寻找更多关于参与起义中的,来自现实人民力量的信息,其中大多是来自革命左翼力量的信息。下文是来自叙利亚革命左翼的一个重要的声明和分析,详细分析了那些意图掌控人民起义的角色和关系,包括叙利亚本国的、世界帝国主义的及地方势力的。一旦有可使用的新材料,我们会作出进一步报道。      ——前线网编辑]

 

“主要西方帝国主义的列强,以及其他帝国主义势力如俄国、中国,同样地还有我们这里的伊朗、土耳其等,不出意外会联合起来用也门那样的解决方式处理叙利亚问题——换句话说,取缔现政权的领导者,即独裁者巴尔沙·阿萨德,同时又保持现政权形式不变,美俄高官会议以及6月30日的日内瓦会议(译者注:6月30日于瑞士日内瓦举行了叙利亚问题国际会议)证实了这一点。唯一的分歧是俄方仍试图通过各种手段保留阿萨德,但俄国或许也会为了保护其在叙利亚的利益而牺牲阿萨德。相应地,美国则反复表明希望叙利亚军事结构以及安全部门保持不变。” ——节选自《叙利亚革命左派的公开信》

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2012年9月24日

 

The resistance of the Syrian people has not ceased to grow since the revolutionary process began in March 2011. The struggle of the Syrian people is part of the popular struggles in Tunisia and Egypt, which has spread to other countries in the region.

 

自从2011年三月开始,叙利亚人民的反抗从来没有停止增长。叙利亚人民的斗争,是属于已经扩展到了中东其他地区的突尼斯和埃及人民斗争的一部分。

 

Similarly, the Syrian revolutionary process is part of the global anti-capitalist struggles. The “Indignados” or “occupied” movements and occupations have taken their inspiration from the Arab revolutions. More than 700 cities in over 70 countries have resonated and for some still resonate of slogans and demands of a movement that demonstrates against poverty and the power of finance. In the same time, the resistance of the Greek people against the dictates imposed by financial agencies and notations is also a battle for dignity and social justice, but also the emancipation against the capitalist order and not its submission, joining the struggles of the peoples of the region.

 

相似地,叙利亚革命进程同时也是全球反资本主义斗争的一部分。“愤怒者”和“占领”等运动的灵感源自阿拉伯革命。(译者注:指西班牙“愤怒者”运动和美国“占领华尔街”运动)在70多个国家超过700个城市已经响应,并且有的地方仍旧飘荡着各式标语,要求进行反贫穷和金融势力的游行示威。同时,希腊人民参与到了整个地区的人民斗争中,反抗金融机构强加的命令,是一场为了尊严和社会正义的战斗,还是一场反资本主义秩序而非其附属的解放运动。

 

The Syrian uprising, arising out of the global financial and economic crisis is also a revolt against the neoliberal policies imposed by the authoritarian regime, and encouraged by international financial institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB).

 

由于全球金融经济危机所引起的叙利亚起义,也是对由国际货币基金组织(IMF)和世界银行(WB)所鼓励的专制强权所实行的新自由主义政策的反抗。

 

The neoliberal policies were used to dismantle and to weaken increasingly the public services in the country, to the removal of subsidies, especially for basic necessities, while accelerating the privatization process, often in favor of the ruling and bourgeois classes linked to the political power.

 

新自由主义政策是用来解散或者弱化叙利亚呈增长趋势的公共服务、取消津贴,特别是那些最基本需求的,同时还加速常常受统治阶级和资产阶级相关的政治力量欢迎的私有化。

 

The neoliberal reforms of the regime have encouraged a policy based on the reception and the welcoming of foreign direct investment, the development of exports and of the service sector, especially tourism. The repressive apparatus of this country has served as a “security agent” for these companies, protecting them of all disorders or social demands. This State has played the role of matchmaker for foreign capital and multinationals, while ensuring the enrichment of a bourgeois class linked to the regime.

 

叙利亚政府的新自由主义改革推动了一项基于接受外商直接投资、发展出口和服务业,特别是旅游业的政策出台。叙利亚的专制机器(即暴力机构)成为“安全代理人”,以保护这些公司远离混乱和社会需求。这个国家成了外资和跨国资本的媒人,同时还确保了自我政权里的资产阶级的繁荣。

 

The ills and consequences of these neoliberal policies in Syria are numerous. This includes the high rate of unemployment, particularly among young university graduates who cannot find opportunities in an economy now focused on low value-added jobs, and where skilled labor is scarce, or characterized by underemployment, a direct consequence of these measures.

 

新自由主义政策所造成的恶果在叙利亚是数不胜数的。其中包括高失业率,尤其是在刚毕业的年轻大学生,由于现阶段经济强调于低附加值工作,熟练技工少,或未充分就业(即未按专长就业),而很难找到工作机会。这便是新自由主义政策的直接后果。

 

The process of economic liberalization has created greater inequality in Syria. The poorest are struggling to get by because of a lack of employment opportunities, while the “middle class” is plummeting to poverty because their income did not follow the inflation, which rose to 17% in 2008. The unemployment rate was up to 20-25% before the beginning of the revolution, reaching 55% for the less than 25 years old (in a country where people under 30 are 65% of the total population). The percentage of Syrians living under the poverty line increased from 11% in 2000 to 33% in 2010 according to official figures. To this we must add that another 30% of the Syrian population was living around the poverty line, that is to say, with less than $ 2 per day.

 

在叙利亚,经济自由化的过程造成了巨大的不平等。最贫穷的那些人因为缺少工作机会而惨淡度日,与此同时,所谓“中产阶级”正因为收入赶不上2008年17%的通胀速度而堕入贫困。在革命爆发之前,失业率已经上涨至20%-25%,而在小于25岁的青年之间已经上涨至55%(在一个小于三十岁的人口占65%的国家)。根据官方数据所示:低于叙利亚贫困线的人口半分比已经从2000年的11%涨至2010年的33%。据此,我们必须再加上30%的叙利亚人口低于贫困线,就是说,每天的收入低于2美元。

 

In agriculture, the privatization of land suffered by hundreds of thousands of farmers in the northeast of the country due to the droughts in 2008 should not be seen as simply a natural disaster. Indeed, the growth and intensification of the exploitation of land use by large agricultural entrepreneurs (agribusiness), including land previously held for grazing, as well as the illegal drilling of wells and the establishment of selective water pipes fulfilling the requirements of new landlords – all facilitated by the corruption of the local government – have increased the agricultural crisis.

 

在农业方面,土地私有化因2008年的干旱而导致成千上万的在东北的农民而受阻,而此次干旱不应仅仅视为天灾。确实,大型农业集团在土地使用开发上的增长和加强,包括开发放牧预留地、非法钻井并为满足新地主们要求而建的特供水管——均与地方政府的腐败有关——加剧了农业危机。

 

The economic liberalization’s policy of the regime almost reproduces the socio-economic situation prevailing before the Baathists took power in 1963: 5% of the population owns more than 50% of the national income.

 

政府经济的自由化政策几乎重现了阿拉伯复兴党在1963年上台时的社会经济的状况:5%的人口掌握了50%以上的国家收入。

 

Privatization processes have created new monopolies in the hands of people close to the regime being actually an integral part of the system of corruption and benefiting mainly the ruling class: the family Makhlouf, cousin of Bashar al-Assad. The latter would have accumulated more than 50% of the Syrian economic wealth.

 

在私有化过程中,那些与政权有密切联系的人成了新垄断者,成为整个腐败系统不可或缺的一部分并使统治阶级受益:如Makhlouf家族,阿萨德的表亲。事实上,后者几乎攒积了整个叙利亚50%的财富。

 

Proletarian and exploited class struggle

无产阶级和被剥削者的阶级斗争

 

The largest section of the Syrian revolutionary movement is issued of the proletariat and the rural and urban “middle class” who have been economically marginalized by the implementation of neoliberal policies, especially since the arrival to power of Bashar al-Assad in July 2000. It is this component of the current revolution that has joined armed groups of the Free Syrian Army (FSA).

 

发动叙利亚革命的主要人群是由无产阶级、农村和城市中因新自由主义政策的而被边缘化的“中产阶级”构成的。特别是在巴沙尔·阿萨德于2000年7月上位后。这是当前加入自由叙利亚军的主要组成部分。

 

Workers have also been target of the repression.  Successful campaigns of general strikes and civil disobedience in Syria during the period December 2011 paralyzing large parts of the country also shows the activism of the working class and the exploited who are indeed the heart of the Syrian revolution. For this reason, the dictatorship has laid off more than 85,000 workers from January 2011 to February 2012, and closed 187 factories (according to official figures), to break the dynamics of protest.

 

工人们也成为了被压制的主要目标。成功的罢工活动,以及2011年12月市民的不服从运动促使国家大部分瘫痪,这显示了活跃的工人阶级以及被剥削者是叙利亚革命的核心。鉴于此,独裁政权在2011年1月至2012年2月解雇了85000余名工人,关闭了187个工厂,用来破坏正在进行的反抗。(数据源自官方)

 

Universities have also been centers of popular resistance. The University of Aleppo has witnessed massive demonstrations of students in May and previously as well. They were violently suppressed by the security forces who killed four people and arrested hundreds of others in May. Today not one week passes without the voices and chants from students of Damascus University are heard at the presidential palace only hundreds of meters away or demonstrations are witnessed in Deraa and Deir Al-Zur universities. Aleppo University suspended classes out of fear of the youth revolution, while bullets have outnumbered books at Homs University.

 

大学也成了人民斗争的中心。在5月及之前,在阿勒颇大学(译者注:阿勒颇位于叙利亚西北部阿勒颇省阿勒颇市,为全国第二大城市)发生了大量的学生示威游行。学生运动就遭到安保部门的暴力镇压,仅在5月就有4人遇害,百余人被捕。直到今天,大马士革大学的学生们在过去的每周都未停止呼吁,但仅百米开外的总统府充耳不闻,同样的情况还发生在德拉大学和代尔祖尔大学(译者注:德拉和代尔祖尔分别位于叙利亚南部和东部)。阿勒颇大学因担心青年革命而宣布停课,而霍姆斯大学则已是子弹数量远超书本。(译者注:霍姆斯位于叙利亚西部)

 

The students represent a quarter of all the martyrs in Syria since the beginning of the revolution in March 2011, according to the Syria Free Students Union (SFSU), which was founded on September 29, 2011 to struggle against the regime and to be a democratic, political and syndicalistic station in the life of the free Syrian students’ movement.

 

据以与政府作斗争,以民主、政治和工团主义为基本的组织——叙利亚自由学生会(SUSU,于2011年9月29日建立)称,自由叙利亚学生运动中的学生们代表了自11年3月革命伊始以来的烈士。

 

The popular movement is still active

人民运动依然活跃

 

The popular movement in Syria has not withdrawn from the streets, universities and workplaces despite the crackdown and multifaceted regime’s violence, both political and military. More than 40,000 martyrs have fallen under the criminal and repressive Assad regime since the start of the uprising, while more than 200,000 have been arrested, 30,000 more people find themselves imprisoned and 65,000 disappeared. We must add to this sad news about 2.5 million people displaced inside the country and some 300,000 refugees in neighboring countries.

 

尽管政治上和军事上的镇压和多层次暴力依然存在,但叙利亚的街道、大学、工作场所,人民运动还未消失。自起义以来,已有4万名烈士在阿萨德的暴力镇压下牺牲,同时还有20余万人被捕,3万余人被关进驾驭,6万5千人消失。另外我们还不能忽略已有250万人流离失所;30余万人背井离乡,逃到邻国。

 

However, the movement continues its struggle against the regime. The main forms of organizations have been through population coordination committees at the level of villages, neighborhoods, cities and regions. These popular coordination committees are the real spearhead of the popular movement mobilizing the people for demonstrations. They also developed forms of popular self-management based on the organization of the masses in the liberated areas from the yoke of the regime. Revolutionary People’s Councils, most often elected have been established to deal with liberated regions proving that it is the regime which causes anarchy and not the people.

 

然而,这场反政府运动仍然进行着。主要组织形式是村镇、邻里、城市、区域的大众协调委员会。大众协调委员会是动员人民参与游行运动的先锋队。他们还摸索出了基于解放区和政府枷锁下群众的人民自治形式。选举出来的革命人民委员会在解放区证明,混乱是由政府造成的,而非人民造成的。

 

The Syrian revolutionary process is a real popular and democratic movement that mobilizes the exploited and the oppressed classes against the capitalist elite linked to the global order – very similar to their counterparts across the Arab world. The movement began peacefully calling for reform, but the regime has responded with violence and repression in all directions. Some sections of the Syrian population then decided to organize armed resistance to defend themselves against attacks from security services and thugs, known as the shabihas of the regime.

 

叙利亚革命的过程是一次真正的人民民主运动,与阿拉伯世界所发生的情况相似,将被剥削的和受压迫阶级动员起来反抗资本主义的精英世界秩序。这场运动开始于平静地呼吁改革,但政府却拿暴力和镇压作为回应。一些地区的叙利亚人民决定组织武装反抗,以抵抗政府民兵--即所谓安保暴徒的攻击。

 

The Syrian people’s armed resistance expresses their right to defend themselves against the repression of the regime and has allowed for the continuation of the popular resistance in some regions faced with the attacks of the regime. Some revolutionary councils were formed throughout Syria, as well as coordinating committees and armed political action. A code of good conduct, which calls for the respect for international law and against sectarianism, has also been signed by a large number of armed groups belonging to the armed popular resistance against the regime.

 

叙利亚人民的武装抵抗显示出了他们捍卫自己不受政府压迫的权力,人民抵抗运动在一些遭受政府攻击的地方得到继续。革命委员会组建起来了,同时协调委员会和武装政治行动也开展了起来。反政府人民武装抵抗运动中的大部分武装部队还签署了行为准则,要求遵守国际法的同时反对宗派主义。

 

Composed of deserters and civilians who took up arms, the armed popular resistance has real roots in the popular insurrection.

 

由倒戈的政府军人和武装起来的市民组成的武装人民抵抗运动在人民起义中有很好的基础。

 

The Syrian people continue to repeat their rejection of sectarianism, despite the regime’s attempts to light this dangerous fire which it has used in various forms since the takeover by the Assad clan in 1970. The popular movement has reaffirmed its united struggle, developing a sense of national solidarity that transcends social and ethnic and sectarian divisions.

 

自阿萨德家族1970年掌权后,宗派主义被发挥得淋漓尽致,尽管政府现试图重拾宗派主义,叙利亚人民也继续着他们的反宗派主义斗争。人民运动重申了联合斗争的意义,使得民族团结意识的认识高于社会、民族、宗派意识。

 

The major Western imperialists powers, and other world imperialist powers such as Russia and China, as well as regional ones such as Iran and Turkey, in their entirety and without exception, continue to try to implement a Yemeni-type solution in Syria – in other words, to cut off the head of the regime, the dictator Bashar Al Assad, while keeping its structure intact, as was witnessed during meetings between U.S. and Russian officials, or at the international conference in June 30 in Geneva. The only sticking point is the Russian position of still trying by all means to keep Assad in power, but Russia may sacrifice this in the near future to protect its interests in Syria. The United States in turn has repeatedly expressed its desire to preserve the structure of the military and security services intact.

 

主要西方帝国主义的列强,以及其他帝国主义势力如俄国、中国,同样地还有我们这里的伊朗、土耳其等,不出意外会联合起来用也门那样的解决方式处理叙利亚问题——换句话说,取缔现政权的领导者,即独裁者巴尔沙·阿萨德,同时又保持现政权形式不变,美俄高官会议以及6月30日的日内瓦会议(译者注:6月30日于瑞士日内瓦举行了叙利亚问题国际会议)证实了这一点。唯一的分歧是俄方仍试图通过各种手段保留阿萨德,但俄国或许也会为了保护其在叙利亚的利益而牺牲阿萨德。相应地,美国则反复表明希望叙利亚军事结构以及安全部门保持不变。

 

The great powers do actually not see any interests in the collapse of the regime. This regime has helped stabilize the borders with Israel and has worked with the Western powers repeatedly in the “war against terrorism” launched by former President George W. Bush, and in the wars against Iraq in 1991, and in 2003 the regime has participated in the “interrogation” of prisoners by the Western powers, not to mention military intervention in Lebanon in agreement with the Western powers and Israel to crush the Palestinian resistance and the Lebanese left in 1976. The neoliberal policy has accelerated extraordinary since the rise to power of Bashar al-Assad in 2000, and the regime had also opened Syria to many Western and the Gulf investors before the beginning of the revolution. These policies have plunged more than half of the population in misery and poverty.

 

列强们实际上并未看到现有政权崩塌所带来的利益。阿萨德政权同以色列在边境问题上稳定下来,并同西方势力多次合作,如美帝布什总统的“反恐战争”,1991年的伊拉克战争,在2003年还加入到了西方势力“审讯”囚犯的过程中,更不用说1976年同西方及以色列一起军事入侵黎巴嫩,以镇压巴勒斯坦抵抗运动和黎巴嫩人。新自由主义政策还加速了自2000年自巴沙尔·阿萨德上台的特别性,政府还在革命开始之前将叙利亚向西方和海湾地区的投资者开放。这些政策还使得全国总人口一半以上的人陷入痛苦和贫穷中。

 

The regional reactionary powers, Saudi Arabia and Qatar in the lead, are trying to divert on their side the Syrian revolution, to lead it on the path of their own limited objectives for their own interests in the region and not those of Syrian people. The reactionary leadership of these countries wants to intervene in Syria to contain the revolutionary process and restrict the political, social and economic consequences of these revolutions. In the same time, they encourage a religious discourse and a confessional vision of the conflict, while financially supporting armed groups whose behavior is confessional in contradiction with the message of popular unity of the Syrian revolution. These reactionary powers are trying in Syria and elsewhere to prevent the spread and deepening of the revolutionary processes that threaten the established order and strive instead to put an end to it.

 

以沙特阿拉伯和卡塔尔为首地方反动势力,正试图将叙利亚革命引向他们的目的,即以他们利益为主、走他们的路线,而非以叙利亚人民的路线。这些国家的反动领导们意图干涉叙利亚以控制革命进程并限制革命所带来的政治、社会、经济变化。同时,他们还鼓励宗教演说和对这场冲突的忏悔,却出资资助那些行为上忏悔却又与叙利亚革命人民团结理念相违背的武装部队。这些反动势力担心革命威胁其在叙利亚及其他地区的现有秩序和努力,但他们没有去终止它,而是阻止革命的扩展和深化。

 

The Syrian people, nevertheless, resist and continue its struggle to build a new Syria. The revolution is permanent!

 

然而,叙利亚人民为了创立一个新的叙利亚而继续抗争着。革命永恒!

 

Permanent revolution means to oppose and overthrow the dictatorial regime of Assad while opposing global and regional imperialisms which attempt to hijack the Syrian revolutionary process for their own interests against those of the Syrian people. It is for this reason that we reject and condemn all foreign intervention in Syria, whether by the Western and Saudi/Qatari axis, or the Iranian/Russian axis that supports the regime in its repression against the popular movement and in all its financial and military capabilities.

 

革命永恒意味着反对并推翻阿萨德政权独裁统治的同时还要反对那些妄图劫持叙利亚革命以达到自己目的,欺压叙利亚人民的帝国主义者们。因此,只要是支持现有政权压迫人民运动,简言之即从资金上和军事上支持的,不管是西方的还是沙特-卡塔尔轴心的、或是伊朗-俄罗斯轴心的任何境外干涉,我们拒绝并谴责!

 

The continuation of the revolution is also in the desire to build a free, democratic, secular and revolutionary Syria that seeks to eliminate all inequality and social discrimination, ethnic, gender and religious, to support the right to self-determination of the Kurdish people, to respect the religious and ethnic minorities, and to ensure all democratic and political freedoms.

 

革命的继续同样也是在建立自由、民主、非宗教的、革命的叙利亚的需求之上的,寻求消灭所有不平等和民族、性别、宗教歧视,支持库尔德人民的自决的权力,尊重少数派宗教和少数民族,保证民主和政治自由。

 

The revolution will be permanent because it is also committed to make every effort to liberate the occupied Golan, to support the rights of the Palestinian people for the return of refugees and self-determination in the territory of historic Palestine, and to assist other peoples of the region in their struggle against their dictators and imperialism.

 

革命永恒是因为它承诺尽每份努力解放被占领的戈兰高地(译者注:叙利亚南部高地,为中东地区“水塔”,现被以色列占领),以支持巴勒斯坦人民以难民身份回归历史上的巴勒斯坦地区并实行自决的权力,帮助该地区的其他人同独裁者和帝国主义作斗争。

 

It is necessary that all progressive and democratic forces are support the Syrian popular movement and the Syrian revolutionary left involved in the struggle against the dictatorial regime. That is why we invite you to articulate and express clearly your support and solidarity with the Syrian revolution and the Syrian people revolting.

 

所有进步的力量和民主力量都支持叙利亚人民运动,叙利亚革命左派参与到同专制政府作斗争,这是必须的。这也是为什么我们请你明确地表达你对革命的支持并团结在叙利亚革命和叙利亚人民起义中来。

 

Viva the popular Syrian revolution

叙利亚革命万岁

 

Damascus, September 23, 2012

大马士革,2012年9月23日

 

The Syrian Revolutionary left

叙利亚革命左派

 

 

Email : [email protected]

 

Blog : http://syria.frontline.left.over-blog.com/

 

[ 本帖最后由 红色翻译 于 2012-12-11 19:48 编辑 ]

已全部翻译,转载请注明来源:http://mao.bu1917.info/bbs/viewthread.php?tid=1429

 

 

阿拉伯左翼人士支持叙利亚政府
2012-09-10 14:27


2011年,当“阿拉伯之春”(Arab Spring)波及约旦之时,一个名叫穆瓦法克?马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)的报纸专栏作家率先参与了游行,和拥护民主的抗议者一起呼吁约旦实行改革。

他曾经对2011年3月走上街头的叙利亚示威者表示支持。但是,短短几个月之后,他的态度来了个180度的大转弯,跟叙利亚总统巴沙尔?阿萨德(Bashar al-Assad)政府站在了一起。和其他很多阿拉伯知识分子一样,他说自己这样做,是因为担心这个地区的未来。

穆瓦法克?马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)在位于约旦安曼的办公室中。起初,马哈丁支持叙利亚的反抗运动,但现在,他认为叙利亚冲突已经演变成了“外部势力操控下的战争”。

8月,在位于安曼的作家联盟(Writers Union)大楼的一间办公室里接受采访时,他说,“这的确是一个腐败、不民主的极权国家,但现在的状况是,这不是叙利亚自己的战争,而是一场外部势力争夺叙利亚的战争。”

 

穆瓦法克·马哈丁(Muwafaq Mahadin)在位于约旦安曼的办公室中。起初,马哈丁支持叙利亚的反抗运动,但现在,他认为叙利亚冲突已经演变成了“外部势力操控下的战争”。

马哈丁是一个著名的反对派人士,为独立的约旦日报《阿拉伯今日报》(Al-Arab Al-Yawm)撰稿,大量凭据都表明他一向支持民主。他多次因为自己的政治观点被捕,甚至还曾经被迫离开祖国,在贝鲁特和大马士革之间漂泊了十年。

最近一段时间,有人指责他是个阴谋论者,还有人赞扬他勇敢。不管怎样,他的文章终归是让约旦知识分子之间的争战愈演愈烈。

待在大马士革的那些年中,马哈丁和叙利亚反对派建立了牢固的联系。他说,叙利亚的武装反抗活动开始只是自发的街头起义,后来却遭到了国际势力的绑架。

马哈丁只是许多左翼反帝国主义知识分子中的一个。这些知识分子认为,叙利亚的武装反抗运动是由和西方结盟的伊斯兰教徒领导的,而且受到了卡塔尔和沙特阿拉伯等海湾国家的操纵,它们代表美国和以色列,想取得该地区的支配权。

近日,230名具有影响力的人物签署了一份发表在媒体上的公开信,呼吁约旦和叙利亚站在一起共同对抗国际阴谋。

马哈丁说,叙利亚境内的冲突和冷战(Cold War)颇为相似。20世纪80年代,反对派武装分子得到了来自西方的资金和军备支持,以对抗前苏联对阿富汗的控制。伊斯兰教的圣战者组织成员也是如此。

“我觉得自己有责任要求叙利亚现政府对这次危机负责,尤其是在我想到它的所作所为的时候,正是它让叙利亚陷入了街道和墙壁洒满鲜血的境地,”7月,马哈丁在《阿拉伯今日报》的专栏中写道。“然而,每次我感到自己有书写这些的冲动时,阴谋论的声音和外国势力干预的事实都盖过了这种冲动和需要。”

去年,马哈丁专程前往叙利亚,表达了自己和阿萨德政府团结一致的立场,他还写了一系列专栏文章,指责国际媒体谎报叙利亚局势。

2011年8月,各个卫星频道的报道称,霍姆斯已经被坦克包围。马哈丁对此提出异议,说他穿过了整个城市,连一辆坦克都没看到。同年,他又用“巴沙尔万岁”的战斗口号来作为自己演讲的结束语,由此得罪了一群在安曼进行抗议的约旦艺术家。

法国国家科学研究院(French National Center for Scientific Research)研究中东政治的高级研究员弗朗索瓦?比尔加(Fran?ois Burgat)称,马哈丁对叙利亚冲突的分析低估了公众反抗的力量,同时夸大了国际势力的影响。

从这个观点出发,他说,“武装起来的反对派就被贬低成了一群由石油大亨招募或资助、效忠西方的伊斯兰雇佣兵。他们这些马克思主义者对抵抗组织的成员都来自‘伊斯兰教徒’的事实颇为不满。”

比尔加认为,支持阿萨德的的左翼知识分子都是屈从了一种古老的阿拉伯理念,宁愿保留独裁政府,也不愿意像埃及、利比亚和突尼斯那样,冒险提升伊斯兰教在新政府中的影响力。

著名的巴勒斯坦裔约旦专栏作家拉米斯?安多尼(Lamis Andoni)说, 关于叙利亚的这些冲突观点已经对约旦的民主运动造成了严重影响,引起了反对派阵营内部的分歧。

安多尼说,关于阿萨德政府倒台会祸及周边地区的担心具有一定的合理性,她说,“很多人支持叙利亚现政府,是因为它在遏制以色列扩张主义方面扮演了重要的地区性角色。”

 

 

http://www.guancha.cn/Third-World/2012_09_10_96663.shtml