翻译素材:美革共评尼泊尔最新局势:巴塔拉伊——被选中的尼泊尔革命掘墓人

载于美革共机关报Revolution #245, September 11, 2011

http://revcom.us/a/245/baburam_bhattarai-en.html

Baburam Bhattarai – Chosen Gravedigger of the Nepal Revolution

On August 28, 2011 Baburam Bhattarai, one of the main leaders of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), was elected Prime Minister of Nepal. His first major act was to symbolically hand over the keys to the weapons of the Maoist-led People’s Liberation Army which had waged a 10-year-long liberation war, to a governmental supervisory committee including representatives of the political parties and classes which had been the bitter and bloody opponents of the People’s War. UCPNM Chairman Prachanda also participated, in what many in Nepal and elsewhere are seeing as an abject ceremony of capitulation before the reactionary forces and an utter betrayal of the interests of the people in Nepal and around the world.

There were reports of torchlight marches and demonstrations the next day by opposition forces from UCPNM who were repulsed by Bhattarai and Prachanda’s action, with reports of 25 arrests and some injured by police baton charges.
The new Prime Minister’s principal mandate is to finish, in a few months’ time, the stalled task of writing a new constitution for Nepal and to finish the task of demobilizing the PLA in which a small percentage are to be integrated into Nepal’s reactionary army and others are to be found jobs, given training programs or just be sent back to their villages with some money. This is supposed to put a final end to the process that began in 1996 when an insurgency started in Nepal which quickly spread throughout the country, igniting the hopes of the people of Nepal of being able to forge a new type of society that would go in the direction of ending exploitation and class divisions as part of the world revolutionary process. The powers-that-be in Nepal and their international mentors feel that the hopes of the people for genuine revolutionary change need to be finally and definitively erased and the inspiring example that revolution in Nepal had served for people around the world before 2006 be turned into a different kind of lesson—a bitter but false view that no real revolutionary change is possible. They want the “revolutionaries” to join the scramble for positions in government; they want the oppressed to give up their hopes for a fundamental change in their situation.
Ever since the People’s War was suspended and the Maoist party, CPN(M), which had led it entered into a process to establish a state based on the Comprehensive Peace Accords (CPA), there have been growing divisions within that Party over the direction of the revolution, but at least until the present all sides have argued that their differences were over which is the best way to carry forward the revolution in the concrete conditions of the Nepali situation. Throughout this whole period the People’s Liberation Army was confined to cantonments, with the keys to their weapons being held by the UCPN(M). Meanwhile, in reality a program of demobilization, delegitimization and demoralization of the revolutionary forces was being carried out by the bourgeois forces who were building up and strengthening the Nepali Army as the only legitimate armed force in that society.
From a distance it is difficult to sort out the facts of the agreement or violation of agreement to turn over the keys. But what is clear is that this is a culmination of a long chain of retreats, compromises and betrayals that have been in process from the time of entering into the Comprehensive Peace Accords. The slow death of the revolution in Nepal has to do with questions of fundamental line, confounding the need to carry forward the revolution to end the domination of the bourgeois and feudal class forces with the goal of and in favor of establishing a more modern form of (bourgeois) government while leaving the basic exploitation and oppression of the people untouched, and to guarantee Nepal’s place in the “international community” (to use the term that the imperialists and reactionaries use to describe the spider web of imperialist relations that keep whole nations and countries oppressed).
These questions of the fundamental direction of the revolution have been the focus of internal struggle inside the UCPN(M) for the last several years, but the underlying issues of the direction of the revolution date back to the decision made in 2005 by the Party leadership at that time to adopt a line that eclectically converged with the line articulated by Bhattarai in his article “The Question of Building a New Type of State.” Letters and articles by the RCP,USA criticizing the lines that were dragging the revolution down the wrong road were published in 2009 giving a very thorough analysis of the issues at the heart of the line struggle in the UCPN(M), and we encourage readers to study these materials in light of the juncture that is sharply focused up by these latest developments in Nepal. We will have further coverage of this in the future.

[ 本帖最后由 angbayan 于 2011-10-1 14:59 编辑 ]

巴布拉姆•巴塔拉伊——被选中的尼泊尔革命的掘墓人
美革共机关报《革命》,第245期,2011.9.11

   2011年8月28日,尼联共(毛)的主要领导人之一巴布拉姆•巴塔拉伊,当选尼泊尔总理。他的第一个重大行动,就是象征性地交出了由毛主义共产党领导的人民解放军的武器库钥匙,目的是成立一个囊括各个政党代表和人民战争的残酷而血腥的敌人阶级的政府监督委员会,而此前人民解放军已经开展了长达十年的解放战争。尼联共(毛)主席普拉昌达也同样参与了,这被尼泊尔和其他地方的很多人们视为是在反动势力面前的一场屈辱的投降仪式,也是一场对尼泊尔人民和世界人民利益的彻底背叛 。

有报道指出,次日爆发了尼联共(毛)内部被巴塔拉伊和普拉昌达的举动排斥的反对力量所举行的火炬游行和示威活动,另据报道,有25人在警方的棍棒冲击中被捕或受伤。
新总理的首要任务是在数月时间内完成起草陷入僵局的尼泊尔新宪法的工作,并且遣散人民解放军,仅将所占比例很小的部分军队编入反动的尼泊尔政府军,使其他人找到工作,或是接受培训项目或是只拿一点点钱就被遣送回村庄。可以预想,此举是将发端于1996年并且迅速席卷整个尼泊尔的起义运动带入最后的终结,它曾经点燃了尼泊尔人民去锻造一个新型的、以消灭剥削和阶级分化作为革命进程一部分的社会的希望。尼泊尔当权者和他们的国际教员们意识到,人民渴望真正的革命性变化的希望需要得到最终和彻底地清除,他们也发觉在2006年以前为世界人民服务的、令人鼓舞振奋的尼泊尔革命开始转向了另一种课程——一种痛苦却错误的观点——不会发生真正的革命性变革是可能的。他们希望这些所谓的“革命家”们加入到争夺政府职务中来;他们想要使被压迫者放弃从根本上改变处境的希望。
自从人民战争暂停以及毛主义的尼泊尔共产党(毛)步入以“全面和平协定”(CPA)为基础建立国家的进程以来,党内在关于革命方向的问题上的分裂日益加剧,但至少到目前为止各方都认为,他们的分歧是针对在当前尼泊尔的具体形势下发扬革命的最好道路是什么这一问题。在这整个时期,人民解放军都被限制在军营内,同时他们武器库的钥匙也被尼联共(毛)交出。与此同时,在现实中,资产阶级势力正在进行一项遣散革命武装并使之成为非法的、变得士气低落的计划,他们建立和巩固了尼泊尔政府军作为社会中唯一合法武装的地位。
从局外看,很难从事实上分清履行或拒绝交出钥匙的协议的区别。但有一点是十分清楚的,这是一连串的退缩行径的高潮部分,在加入“全面和平协定”的时间进程中出现了妥协和背叛。尼泊尔革命的慢性死亡与基本路线问题有关,把发扬革命以结束资产阶级、封建阶级势力统治的需要和支持建立一个现代模式但却不触动底层人民被剥削压迫现状的资产阶级政府以保证尼泊尔的“国际社会”(专业术语,帝国主义和反动派用来描述压迫所有民族和国家的帝国主义关系网络的代名词)地位混淆在了一起。
最近几年,关于革命的基本路线问题已经成为尼联共(毛)内部斗争的焦点,但是潜在的争论可以追溯到2005年,那时党的领导层做出决定采取一种折中的方式,与巴塔拉伊在文章《关于建立新型国家的问题》中的路线融合在一起。美革共(RCPUSA)于2009年发表了一系列书信和文章,批判了这种将革命事业拖到错误道路上的路线,也彻底分析了发生在尼联共(毛)内部的路线斗争的核心问题。我们鼓励读者结合尼泊尔最新发展的形势突出重点研究这些材料。未来一段时间,我们将会对此进一步报道。

[ 本帖最后由 左手的力量 于 2011-10-6 22:47 编辑 ]