武装力量最高会议肯定是值得关注的。从<?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />2月12日起，即从穆巴拉克下台伊始，全国的工人们——不管是国有的还是私有的部门——开始了罢工、抗议或者静坐。石油工人、教师、忽视、公交驾驶员、看门人、新闻记者、药剂师——甚至高级的乡村俱乐部的职员——开始组织起来抗议。
2个星期前，在我在开罗市中心的房子附近，我亲眼见证了一次斗争。大约1200名负责印刷学校教材的印刷工人因低薪 —— 平均100美元一月 —— 一个万恶的CEO得薪水是60000美元一个月，以及工作中的无礼对待、临时合同和糟糕的卫生保健供应等开始罢工。
<?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office" />
当军队在穆巴拉克倒台后重新开放学校和大学，成千上万的学生、教师和专家 —— 大部分参与了1月25日的起义 —— 掀起了新一轮的斗争浪潮。
在一个接一个的大学里，学生和员工们为了摆脱那些被穆巴拉克选出的校长、主任而举行选举。在有些大学里，学生们到野外露营 —— 像解放广场那种模式一样 —— 为的是获得他们的要求。
I WANT to give you a sense of some of these struggles, and I'll start with the unfolding workers' uprising.
There is no doubt that the strikes by industrial workers that took place starting on February 9 across Egypt were a key reason why Mubarak's generals decided that he had to go--before the revolutionary uprising could gain more depth and threaten the whole social system.
The council was definitely correct to be concerned. Since February 12, from within hours after Mubarak quit, workers all over the country--in the public and the private sectors--have been striking, protesting or sitting in. Oil workers, teachers, nurses, bus drivers, janitors, journalists and pharmacists--all the way to clerks in posh country clubs--have been organizing and protesting.
Workers' demands vary from one sector to another, but they revolve four main issues:
Workers everywhere want to raise wages and benefits; they want permanent status for the millions who have been working as temporary workers, sometimes on contracts as short as three months; they want an end to the neoliberal policies of privatization of companies, and many in the public sector are calling for the renationalization of companies that were privatized and sold to investors at below market values; and they want the ouster of all the corrupt CEOs appointed by Mubarak.
This last issue goes to the heart of the struggle for economic democracy. In the crucial industrial city of Mahalla, for example, 24,000 textile workers struck last month, drove out the corrupt CEO, and forced the army to accept their own nominee as the replacement.
It is the same story in other factories and companies across the country: workers' expectations are very high, and their militance and confidence is phenomenal.
Two weeks ago, near my house in central Cairo, I witnessed one of those militant strikes firsthand. Some 1,200 government print workers who produce school curriculum books went on strike to protest low salaries--an average of $100 a month--an outrageous CEO salary of $60,000 a month, disrespectful treatment at work, temp contracts, terrible health care provisions and on and on.
Three hundred workers attempted to rush the building to get to the CEOs office, but an army unit stopped them. So the strikers laid siege to the company building and locked their corrupt CEO in his office on the fifth floor for 36 hours.
The army officer in charge, along with a union representative, negotiated over the workers' demands with the CEO for 24 hours. The army officer forced the CEO to concede 90 percent of workers' demands so he could disperse them. The CEO caved in, and the army officer and the union rep came down and announced the settlement. The strikers were ecstatic and almost dispersed.
But some angry young workers whose temp contracts had been recently terminated were infuriated and attempted to storm the building again. Meanwhile, an older, militant woman pleaded with the rest of the workers not to abandon the youth. Most of the crowd decided to stay. They sent the union rep and the army officer back upstairs to tell the CEO to reinstate all temp workers, and offer them permanent contracts immediately. And they instructed the union rep not to come down again without a "yes" on all their demands.
This is an example of the kind of militant strikes, sit-ins and hunger strikes that are taking place all over the country every day in Egypt. Workers are also breaking with the government-run union federation and forming independent unions. A section of militant workers are in the process of forming a new political party: The Workers' Democratic Party.
I also want to briefly describe some of the student initiatives and struggles.
When the army finally opened schools and universities again after Mubarak's downfall, millions of students, teachers and professors--many of whom were part of the January 25 uprising--opened a new front of struggle.
In one university after another, mass student and faculty rallies are taking place to elect college presidents and deans in order to get rid of those appointed by Mubarak. In some universities, students are camping out--following the model of Tahrir Square--to win their demands. And in all of the colleges, the students forced the government to finally implement a year-old court order to remove secret police from all campuses.
High school and middle school students also formulated their demands and grievances. They rallied to demand an end to corporal punishment and removal of all sections in the curriculum that refer to Mubarak's so-called accomplishments. The ministry of education has complied.
But this is only one part of a wave of struggles for democratization that is sweeping every corner and sector of society. Journalists are ousting pro-Mubarak editors. Cinema actors and workers rebelled against the autocratic union president. Fans are boycotting many of their once beloved famous actors and singers who supported Mubarak. Soccer referees are threatening to strike over pay. Non-soccer athletes are demanding that sports clubs stop spending all their money on soccer players. The Boy Scouts of Egypt are demanding elections--and on and on.
Soccer fans go to soccer games in Egypt, but very few fans actually bother to watch and cheer for their team. Organized fan groups that took part in the revolution and lost martyrs are angry that their idols, the big time famous players, didn't show up in Tahrir, and that some of them openly supported Mubarak. The fans taunt those players at games with angry chants and with huge banners. One of these banners at a recent game read: "We supported you every second and everywhere, but where were you when we needed you?
When the uprising in Libya began, fans went to a game with a big banner in the colors of the Libyan, Tunisian and Egyptian flags--it read: The Free Republic of North Africa.
At every game, you find hundreds of people still chanting against Mubarak and the former interior minister, or calling for the removal of governors and so on.
[ 本帖最后由 萨马拉 于 2011-5-13 17:15 编辑 ]