我想告诉你们斗争的一景，我会以展现工人们的起义为开始。
毫无疑问，始于2月9号的遍及整个埃及的产业工人罢工，是穆巴拉克的将军们决定推翻他的关键原因——在革命起义获得更深入、对整个社会系统更有威胁之前。
武装力量最高会议肯定是值得关注的。从<?xml:namespace prefix = st1 ns = "urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:smarttags" />2月12日起，即从穆巴拉克下台伊始，全国的工人们——不管是国有的还是私有的部门——开始了罢工、抗议或者静坐。石油工人、教师、忽视、公交驾驶员、看门人、新闻记者、药剂师——甚至高级的乡村俱乐部的职员——开始组织起来抗议。
工人们的要求因不同部门而不同，但都在这4个主要的问题上周旋：1.每个地方的工人都希望增加薪水和津贴；2.让成千上万的以临时工身份工作的人（有的按合约算只有短短三个月长）给他们永久的工作；3.终结新自由主义的公司私有化政策，以及被私有化、被外资以低于市场价格收购的许多公共部门的再国有化；4.驱逐穆巴拉克任命的腐败的首席执行官（CEO）。
最后一项问题直接命中经济民主斗争的核心。比如，在马哈拉的重要工业城市中，有2万4千名纺织工人在上个月参加罢工，将腐败的首席执行官驱逐下台，并且要求军方接受工人们自己选出的替代者。
同样的故事发生在埃及的各个工厂和公司：工人们的期望很高，他们的战斗性和自信心也是非凡的。
2个星期前，在我在开罗市中心的房子附近，我亲眼见证了一次斗争。大约1200名负责印刷学校教材的印刷工人因低薪 —— 平均100美元一月 —— 一个万恶的CEO得薪水是60000美元一个月，以及工作中的无礼对待、临时合同和糟糕的卫生保健供应等开始罢工。
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三百多名工人试图冲进大楼里的CEO办公室，但是一个军方代表拦住了他们。于是示威者们包围了公司大楼，并将CEO锁在他5楼的办公室长达36小时。
军队长官同联盟代表就工人们的要求与CEO进行了24小时的谈判。军队长官要求CEO对工人们的要求进行90%的让步，以便遣散他们。CEO屈服了，军队长官和联盟代表下楼并宣布了处理办法。示威者欢呼着四散开去。
但是一些临时合同已到期的年轻工人感到愤怒，试着再度冲向大楼。同时，一个年长的富有战斗性的妇女恳求还未离开的工人们不要扔下年轻人。大多数人决定留下。他们把联盟代表和军方长官送上楼去，告诉CEO恢复所有临时工的工作，并立即给他们提供永久性的合同。并且，留下的工人们还建议联盟代表在没有得到肯定的答复之前不要下楼。
这只是每天发生在埃及各个角落的激进罢工、静坐、绝食抗议的一个例子。工人们还与政府经营的联盟断绝关系并自己组建独立的联盟。一部分激进工人正在组建一个新的政党：工人民主党。
我还想简单描述一些学生的倡议和斗争。
当军队在穆巴拉克倒台后重新开放学校和大学，成千上万的学生、教师和专家 —— 大部分参与了1月25日的起义 —— 掀起了新一轮的斗争浪潮。
在一个接一个的大学里，学生和员工们为了摆脱那些被穆巴拉克选出的校长、主任而举行选举。在有些大学里，学生们到野外露营 —— 像解放广场那种模式一样 —— 为的是获得他们的要求。
高中、初中学校的学生的同样表达出了他们的要求和不满。他们集合起来要求终止体罚，并除去所有与穆巴拉克的所谓成就有关的课程。教育部妥协了。
但这只是横扫这个社会每个角落每个阶层的民主斗争浪潮的一部分。记者们罢免了那些认同穆巴拉克的编辑们。剧场的演员、工人同独裁的联盟主席作斗争。粉丝们因为他们曾经喜爱的明星们去支持穆巴拉克而集体抗议。足球裁判也因薪水以罢工作威胁。非足球运动员们要求体育俱乐部停止把所有经费都花在足球运动员身上。埃及男童子军也要求选举——等等。
足球迷们来到球场，但只有少数是在看球。被组织起来的球迷们参加了革命，逝去的烈士们对他们的偶像感到生气，因为大场面下的明星球员没有出现在解放广场，并且有的还公开地支持穆巴拉克。球迷们用巨大的标语给那些球员喝倒彩。在最近的一场比赛中，一个标语如是写道：“我们每分每秒随时随地都支持你们，但我们需要你们支持的时候你们在哪？”
当在利比亚的起义开始后，球迷们去看球的时候都带着一个利比亚、突尼斯、埃及国旗颜色的大标语——上面写着：北非自由共和国。
你会发现在每场比赛中，数以百计的人仍然在吟唱着，以此反抗穆巴拉克和前内务部长，或者要求驱逐统治者等等。
I WANT to give you a sense of some of these struggles, and I'll start with the unfolding workers' uprising.
There is no doubt that the strikes by industrial workers that took place starting on February 9 across Egypt were a key reason why Mubarak's generals decided that he had to go--before the revolutionary uprising could gain more depth and threaten the whole social system.
The council was definitely correct to be concerned. Since February 12, from within hours after Mubarak quit, workers all over the country--in the public and the private sectors--have been striking, protesting or sitting in. Oil workers, teachers, nurses, bus drivers, janitors, journalists and pharmacists--all the way to clerks in posh country clubs--have been organizing and protesting.
Workers' demands vary from one sector to another, but they revolve four main issues:
Workers everywhere want to raise wages and benefits; they want permanent status for the millions who have been working as temporary workers, sometimes on contracts as short as three months; they want an end to the neoliberal policies of privatization of companies, and many in the public sector are calling for the renationalization of companies that were privatized and sold to investors at below market values; and they want the ouster of all the corrupt CEOs appointed by Mubarak.
This last issue goes to the heart of the struggle for economic democracy. In the crucial industrial city of Mahalla, for example, 24,000 textile workers struck last month, drove out the corrupt CEO, and forced the army to accept their own nominee as the replacement.
It is the same story in other factories and companies across the country: workers' expectations are very high, and their militance and confidence is phenomenal.
Two weeks ago, near my house in central Cairo, I witnessed one of those militant strikes firsthand. Some 1,200 government print workers who produce school curriculum books went on strike to protest low salaries--an average of $100 a month--an outrageous CEO salary of $60,000 a month, disrespectful treatment at work, temp contracts, terrible health care provisions and on and on.
Three hundred workers attempted to rush the building to get to the CEOs office, but an army unit stopped them. So the strikers laid siege to the company building and locked their corrupt CEO in his office on the fifth floor for 36 hours.
The army officer in charge, along with a union representative, negotiated over the workers' demands with the CEO for 24 hours. The army officer forced the CEO to concede 90 percent of workers' demands so he could disperse them. The CEO caved in, and the army officer and the union rep came down and announced the settlement. The strikers were ecstatic and almost dispersed.
But some angry young workers whose temp contracts had been recently terminated were infuriated and attempted to storm the building again. Meanwhile, an older, militant woman pleaded with the rest of the workers not to abandon the youth. Most of the crowd decided to stay. They sent the union rep and the army officer back upstairs to tell the CEO to reinstate all temp workers, and offer them permanent contracts immediately. And they instructed the union rep not to come down again without a "yes" on all their demands.
This is an example of the kind of militant strikes, sit-ins and hunger strikes that are taking place all over the country every day in Egypt. Workers are also breaking with the government-run union federation and forming independent unions. A section of militant workers are in the process of forming a new political party: The Workers' Democratic Party.
I also want to briefly describe some of the student initiatives and struggles.
When the army finally opened schools and universities again after Mubarak's downfall, millions of students, teachers and professors--many of whom were part of the January 25 uprising--opened a new front of struggle.
In one university after another, mass student and faculty rallies are taking place to elect college presidents and deans in order to get rid of those appointed by Mubarak. In some universities, students are camping out--following the model of Tahrir Square--to win their demands. And in all of the colleges, the students forced the government to finally implement a year-old court order to remove secret police from all campuses.
High school and middle school students also formulated their demands and grievances. They rallied to demand an end to corporal punishment and removal of all sections in the curriculum that refer to Mubarak's so-called accomplishments. The ministry of education has complied.
But this is only one part of a wave of struggles for democratization that is sweeping every corner and sector of society. Journalists are ousting pro-Mubarak editors. Cinema actors and workers rebelled against the autocratic union president. Fans are boycotting many of their once beloved famous actors and singers who supported Mubarak. Soccer referees are threatening to strike over pay. Non-soccer athletes are demanding that sports clubs stop spending all their money on soccer players. The Boy Scouts of Egypt are demanding elections--and on and on.
Soccer fans go to soccer games in Egypt, but very few fans actually bother to watch and cheer for their team. Organized fan groups that took part in the revolution and lost martyrs are angry that their idols, the big time famous players, didn't show up in Tahrir, and that some of them openly supported Mubarak. The fans taunt those players at games with angry chants and with huge banners. One of these banners at a recent game read: "We supported you every second and everywhere, but where were you when we needed you?
When the uprising in Libya began, fans went to a game with a big banner in the colors of the Libyan, Tunisian and Egyptian flags--it read: The Free Republic of North Africa.
At every game, you find hundreds of people still chanting against Mubarak and the former interior minister, or calling for the removal of governors and so on.
[ 本帖最后由 萨马拉 于 2011-5-13 17:15 编辑 ]