穆斯塔法·奥马尔
这确实是一场民族起义——整个国家上上下下的每个城市每个省都参与进来了。信不信由你，虽然媒体报道最多的是开罗，但在其他城市的革命者们，比如苏伊士和埃及第二大城市亚历山大，也和开罗的革命者们一样激进而坚决，甚至更激进而勇敢。
例如，开罗的抗议者们集中于解放广场，并抵挡住了警察以及穆巴拉克的暴徒们无数的血腥攻击，坚守了18天。但在亚历山大，抗议者们并没有采取像解放广场那样的策略。他们没有等着警察来进攻。抗议者们每天成群结队地从每个邻居和街道走出，与警察对抗——他们一次又一次地击退了警察的子弹和催泪瓦斯，直到战胜警察。
我在线听取了一份亚历山大警察总局与战地指挥官的无线电通讯录音磁带，他们尝试着处理如洪水一般的愤怒抗议者们。磁带里，警察官员们请求总部予以增援，以便处理他们所说的“一万、两万、三万庞大而危险的人群”，将他们包围在城市的每个角落。
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但警察总部也是无助的，因为所有的战地官员——毫不夸张地讲是所有人——都被要求给予增援。总部还建议官员和军队撤退到商业区，但官员们回答：“长官，抗议者正在焚烧商业区。”
这盘磁带戏剧性地以总部长官要求下属解释为何警察被击败为结尾。战地官员只是简单地回答了他：“长官，一切都结束了。现在是人民掌权。”
亚历山大的故事在苏伊士和一个又一个城市中反复着。抗议者们在警察局周围游行，在穆巴拉克政权统治的国家民主党总部周围游行，在市政大楼周围游行，在统治者的豪宅周围游行等等。正如这场大规模起义一样，当穆巴拉克倒台时，人们的庆典也有着惊人的规模，陷入狂喜。
在穆巴拉克辞职当晚，有500万人在解放广场庆祝了整整24小时。我想这肯定是埃及最大规模的一次庆祝活动了。但我被在亚历山大的朋友纠正，他们告诉我说：开罗有2000万人，有500万人出来了。我们在亚历山大有1000万人，其中700万人从城市的一头到另一头塞满了地中海大街。
我在书上曾见过为了社会正义的大革命。那些涉及到这些革命的人不仅改变了受压迫的社会地位，也在革命的过程中重新找到了人性。
我不得不说我很有幸在埃及这几周的起义中直接地见证了这个社会与人的转变过程。
我还见到过许多人，并和他们进行了交谈，他们告诉我说他们对自己所做的事情感到骄傲；他们觉得在他们自己的国家里不再觉得有陌生人存在了；他们在生命中第一次感受到了人情味。
我从未见到过这么多的埃及人看上去更骄傲了——因他们自己和其他人完成任务而骄傲，因他们做到了他们从不相信自己能做到的事情。
人们看起来更放松更平静了——你能从他们的脸上看到。埃及人会告诉你：当我们觉得无助而渺小的日子过去了；当经常被警察羞辱和折磨的日子过去了；当富人和商人们觉得他们能把这个国家当做他们的私人公司治理的日子过去了。
无论哪里，人们把1月25日革命的宣传贴纸贴到车上，贴到咖啡店里，贴到他们家里。由许多年轻人组成委员会清理附近的大街。其他人为在起义中受伤的人献血。年轻艺术家们以拒绝腐败和庆祝穆斯林和基督徒的平等为题作着革命的宣传画。
在2月11日之后的那些日子里，可以感觉到兴奋与希望的气息。确实，革命起义带来了大而惊人的变动。
武装力量最高会议——那个尝试取代穆巴拉克，从而挽救这个社会系统以免它完全崩溃，暂时统治这个国家——在强烈的民众压力下做出了大量的妥协。
比如，最高会议逮捕了穆巴拉克政府的一些腐败的政治、经济梦游，并冻结了他们的财产。同样地，他们也冻结了穆巴拉克的财产，并许诺要将穆巴拉克送上法庭。
在埃及的电视节目中，你能看到许多来自商界精英和穆巴拉克政府的大恶人，他们没有在高档会议上抽着雪茄，而是穿着囚服等着受审。你能看见被人所鄙视的前内政部长，那个曾经下令向抗议者开枪的人——不像傲慢的暴君一样，当他的下属残酷对待反对者时，向我们的脸吐痰而是穿着囚服等着受审。
对那些高调的腐败官员的逮捕与审理是也将会是广大民众的幸福之源。但许多普通人同样意识到他们不仅让革命这是处罚旧政府的一些人，而是改变整个政权。
因此，对于许多人来说，穆巴拉克的下台仅仅代表了革命的开始，并不是革命的结束。他们的标语迅速变成了：在埃及的每个角落，在每个工厂、学校、公司，有1000名穆巴拉克时期的小型腐败犯罪者需要我们去斗争并处理。
在2月12日，穆巴拉克辞职后仅仅几个小时，工人、学生甚至少数受压迫的科普特人都开始组织起来结束长期的被剥削和被压迫。无数的穷人和受压迫的人已经参与到这场惊人而又鼓舞人心的行动中来，为了整个社会的正义和民主。
但是，当然，埃及的统治阶级——因革命高涨而受到伤害和撼动——仍然很有力量，对革命进行反击以维护他们的统治和特权。他们这样做是在穆巴拉克的最高将军名单上被除名的武装力量最高会议的帮助和领导下完成的。
换句话说，在穆巴拉克倒台之后，一场深刻的社会斗争和阶级斗争立即在埃及展开了。无数工人、学生开始尝试着通过一系列勇敢的新一轮斗争，让革命起义修得正果。
IT WAS truly a national uprising--every city and province up and down the country took part. Believe it or not, as militant and determined as the revolutionaries were in Cairo, which got most of the media coverage in the West, the revolutionaries in other cities such as Suez and Alexandria, the second largest city in the country, were even more militant and bolder.
For example, the protesters in Cairo concentrated on Tahrir Square and bravely held it for 18 days by fending off numerous bloody attacks by the police and Mubarak's thugs. But in Alexandria, the protesters didn't adopt a Tahrir Square strategy. They didn't wait for the police to attack. The protesters came out every single day in the tens and hundreds of thousands from every neighborhood and street to confront the police--they fought back against police bullets and tear gas over and over again, until they defeated the police.
I listened online to an amazing tape of a radio communication between the police headquarters in Alexandria and commanders in the field, trying to deal with the flood of angry protesters. In the tape, police officers are begging headquarters for reinforcements to deal with what they described as massive and dangerous crowds of 10,000, 20,000 and 30,000 people, closing in on them everywhere in the city.
But the headquarters was helpless because all of the officers in the field--literally all of them--were asking for reinforcements. The headquarters advised officers and units to retreat to the precincts, and the officers responded: "Sir, protesters are burning the precincts."
The tape ends dramatically with the commander at headquarters asking a subordinate for an explanation for the police defeats. The officer simply told him: "Sir, it is over. The people are in the saddle."
The Alexandria story was repeated in Suez and city after city. Protesters marched on police precincts, on the headquarters of the Mubarak regime's ruling National Democratic Party (NDP), on municipal buildings, on governor's mansions, and on and on. And just as the revolt was massive, the celebrations that took place when Mubarak fell were breathtaking in their size and joy.
On the night that Mubarak resigned, 5 million of us celebrated in Tahrir Square for 24 hours. I thought it must have been the largest celebration in the country. I was corrected by friends in Alexandria, who told me: You have a population of 20 million in Cairo and 5 million came out. We have a population of 10 million in Alexandria and 7 million of us jammed the Mediterranean Boulevard, from one end of the city to the other.
I've read in books about great revolutions for social justice. I've read that millions who were involved in those revolutions not only change oppressive social institutions, but they also rediscover their humanity in the process.
I must say that I was lucky to have witnessed this process of social and human transformation firsthand in the few weeks of the uprising in Egypt.
I've seen and talked to so many people who tell you that they feel proud of what they did; they feel that they are no longer strangers in their own country; they feel human for the first time in their lives.
I have never seen so many millions in Egypt look more proud--so proud of what they and other revolutionaries accomplished, and so proud that they have done what they themselves never believed they could do.
People look more relaxed and at peace--you can see it on their faces. People in Egypt will tell you: Gone are the days when we felt helpless and little; gone are the days when the police could humiliate us and torture us; gone are the times when the rich and the businessmen think they could run the country as if it was their own private company.
Everywhere, people posted the January 25 revolution stickers--on their cars, in coffee shops, in their homes. Thousands of young people formed committees to clean up the streets in their neighborhoods. Thousands of others donated blood to those injured during the uprising. Young artists painted revolutionary graffiti, rejecting corruption and celebrating equality between Muslims and Christians.
In the days and weeks after February 11, one could sense the excitement and hope in the air. Indeed, the revolutionary uprising has brought big and amazing changes.
The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces--which took over from Mubarak in an attempt to save the social system from collapsing entirely, and which rules the country for the time being--made significant concessions to the revolution under intense popular pressure.
For example, the Council arrested some of Mubarak's corrupt political and business allies and froze their assets. It also froze Mubarak's own assets and promised to put him on trial.
On television in Egypt, you can see many hated figures from the business elite and from the regime, not smoking cigars in a fancy meeting, but wearing prison clothes and awaiting trial. You can see the despised former minister of the interior who ordered the shooting of protesters--not walking like an arrogant despot and spitting in our faces while his subordinates brutalize opposition figures, but wearing prison clothes and awaiting trial.
The arrest and trial of some high-profile corrupt officials were and still are a great source of euphoria for millions. But many ordinary people also realize that they made the revolution not just to punish a few figures in the old regime, but to change the whole regime.
Therefore, for many, Mubarak's ousting represents only the beginning of the revolution, not the end. Their slogan quickly became: In every corner of Egypt, in every factory, school and company, there are 1,000 smaller corrupt and criminal Mubaraks that we have to fight against and get rid of.
On February 12, only hours after Mubarak resigned, workers, students and even the oppressed Coptic minority all began organizing to end decades of exploitation and oppression. Millions of poor and oppressed people have been engaging in amazing and inspiring actions for social justice and democratization of all aspects of society.
But, of course, the Egyptian ruling class--which is wounded and shaken by the revolutionary upsurge--is still quite powerful and is fighting back to preserve its rule and privileges. It's doing so with the help of and under the leadership of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, which is a sanitized name for Mubarak's own top army generals.
In other words, immediately after Mubarak fell, an intense period of social and class struggle opened up in Egypt. Millions of workers and students began to try to shape the outcome of the revolutionary uprising through a series of daring and brave new round of struggles.
[ 本帖最后由 萨马拉 于 2011-4-11 17:52 编辑 ]